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©2001 chadsux

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In This Edition We spotlight the cartoons of Kevin Siers with additional cartoons from Chris Whitehouse, Political Strikes, Lisa Casey, GWBush Art, Destonio, Ted Rall, Rex Babin and Chadsux. Martin Woollacott says, "The Jeffers Decision Was Inevitable But The US Was Unprepared." Tamara Baker brings good news in, "Holed Below The Waterline: The Beginning of the End for Usurper Boy and the Junta!" Buzz Flash interviews Vincent Bugliosi. Robert Parry shows us, "Propaganda's Triumph." Joshua Micah warns of, "Apocalypse Now." Carol Schiffler asks, "Whither The Press On May 19?" Robert Scheer explains, "Bush's Faustian Deal With The Taliban," Mark Benjamin says, "Democrats Rebuff GOP IN Senate." Senator Landrieu wins the "Vidkun Quisling Award." Molly Ivins reports on "Energy Crisis Populism." Al Martin tells the, "Jeb Bush Affair Story That Won't Go Away!" And finally in 'Parting Shots' we fill out a, "McDonnell Douglas Military Aircraft Warrantee Card" but first Uncle Ernie says, "It's Up To You America!" Plus we have all of your favorite departments! Welcome one and all to "Uncle Ernie's Issues & Alibis." We hope you enjoy your stay! |

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Scalia and company made their own law as they went along in order to do their masters bidding. The methods to their madness have almost every legal scholar whether right or left wing scratching their heads in amazement. Unfortunately that is all that any, except Bugliosi, have to say. It just boggles my mind that nothing is being done about this treason. All the tens of thousand of lawyers and judges and policemen etc not one of them have stepped forward to arrest and detain these traitors but seem to turn a blind eye while they wait for the courts next act of treason. What does that say about the law enforcement community? Apparently there are some that are above the law. Some that you don’t dare hold responsible for their actions. Just get over it! I know I will as soon as I watch them executed for their crimes but until then I will keep shouting at the wind and tilting at windmills.
I would also expect my fellow citizens to be up and arms and mad as hell. Major media keeps saying why should they get involved, because after all nobody cares, well nobody that has any money and power. The reason of course is that they are the one behind this treason. What it boils down to is that a few thousand people stole the election and effectively destroyed our Republic. The really scary thing about all this is that 260 million Americans seemed to think that’s OK or pretend that this is merely politics and reply we’ll get them at the next election. Maybe the treason trials will start then but what if there isn’t a next election? What if Tony (light-fingers) Scalia says that the extremes will pick the president from now on? Then what? My guess is nothing will happen. Why rock the boat. One could get in trouble. It’s just better to do what you are told. You can’t fight City Hall! Get over it!
As you know I don’t share in the hero worship of the founding fathers. They were to a man the rich property owners who rebelled to protect their own profits from the king. Instead of founding a democracy they made a republic. They created all this to line their own pockets and to institute their own line of succession. However be that as it may they would I think to a man be as angry as I am at what has finally happened. One could say that the last 5 times we had a president who wasn’t elected that there was at least some law on the books that the thief’s could point to, to legalize their power play. This time there is no such law. Tony (light-fingers) took it upon himself to crown a king. Why aren’t the American people up in arms about this treason? How does one turn his back on this? Why would anyone who wasn’t a millionaire vote Republican in the first place and how do they get voted into office? Less than 20% of Americans subscribe to the Republican philosophy yet they control the House, had a majority in the Senate and got their candidate close enough to steal an election. How does this work?
I used to think that this country while not the best on the planet had the potentiality to become the best. Of course for many years I labored under the false pretense that we were a democracy. I know, Duh! Still even after I realized what we had was a Republic and perhaps a little to the right of what Plato had in mind, imagine that, but a Republic just the same. We are a nation of laws, even if quite a few of them are bad ones. I got in an argument once with a judge over a law, my only appearance in court other than two traffic tickets. I was saying that this law in fact made me a slave to the state. I then reminded him (he was black) that it wasn’t so long ago that, according to the law, I could have owned him. Broke up his family and sold them off. I could have taken his wife or daughter and made them my sexual toys or popped him in a pot of boiling water for the amusement of my fellows. All quite legal, if not moral and would he care to defend those laws for me? He dismissed the charge against me instead!
What the Extreme Court did was to say they no longer needed to play by the rules, we are a law unto our selves. We and only we have the right to choose the candidate of our choice and there is nothing you can do about it. I’m surprised they didn’t stick out their tongues, put their thumbs in the ears and wave their fingers and go nyahh, nyahh, nyahh, nyahh, nyahh! After not a single US Senator would stand with the Black Caucus during the Electoral College count I knew all I had to about what was going to be done. Absolutely nothing! Smirky and company were free to line their pockets from the wallets of the US taxpayers. Oh you think you’re getting a tax cut do you? If you’re rich you certainly will. If you’re poor you get nothing, if middle class you get a drop in the bucket. Meanwhile Ronnie Ray Guns tripling of the National Debt continues to go up as the worth of your money goes down. That will along with a lot of other programs need to be paid for and who do you think is going to get that bill, the Chairman of the board of Amoco or Texaco or Esso? Guess again. I’ve heard a lot of normally sane people say they are in favor of this. If it were real I’d be in favor of it too. It was after all meant to give back tax dollars, it's just that this relief is going to the people that don’t need it. For those who do need it there is nothing. For the middle class just wait and see how much of this will be around next year or the year after next. If you’ve read it you'll quickly come to the conclusion that as far as the middle class and the poor are concerned this is all smoke and mirrors. Just designed to take a greedy American’s mind off the treason and to send him off chasing tax cuts that aren’t really there.
If I ruled the world you can bet things would change but I don't. If anything is going to be done about this treason it’s up to you dear reader. If we don’t get up off our collective asses and do something right now it might just be to late to do something in 2002 or 2004. Call your Senator and raise hell. Call your local Newspaper and demand they get behind us. Call your TV and Radio stations and ask them why you aren’t hearing the truth. Keep it up and keep raising hell until the media starts to listen. Keep at it until the media starts raising hell along with the rest of us. Keep raising hell until the Junta and those responsible for it are all brought to trial. Yes America it may be your last chance to save this country and for the first time get a Democracy. Isn’t it about time we had one? |

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The Jeffords Decision Was Inevitable.
...but the US was unprepared
Special report: George Bush's America It is pleasing to think that the world can turn on the pivot of a single Yankee conscience, that one principled man can occasionally make all the difference. Everybody agrees that James Jeffords' decision is of huge importance. And yet, now that it has happened, it is clear that if it had not been Senator Jeffords, somebody or something else would have turned up to check the Bush presidency. The picture we had of that presidency was of an administration arrogantly exceeding its mandate and getting away with it. The reality, however, was of a group of men hoping to push one or two of their big policy ideas through in the very short period before they expected a familiar American political deadlock to set in. The window for the Bush administration was not narrow because of Jeffords, the possibility of whose rebellion seems to have escaped party managers, but because of Strom Thurmond, ancient and ailing, whose death would have had the same effect as the Jeffords decision on the balance in the Senate. The Republicans may have hoped, as they still do, for a compensating cross-over or some other turn of events that would enable them to retain or regain control, but they knew that the odds were high that they would lose it. Even if by good luck the fragile Republican position in the Senate had been preserved, it was not strong enough to ensure the passage of seriously controversial bills, and the tax bill Bush did get enacted, after some concessions, may well prove the one exception to that rule. It was already clear before Jeffords that drilling in the Alaska reserve and much of the energy programme would not have got through the Senate. The fact that 10 or more senators on both sides regularly peel off to vote against their parties means that a Senate majority has to be very large before it guarantees legislation. The significance of the change in Senate arithmetic is not about voting, but about what is voted on. Democratic chairmanships will now put the agenda largely in that party's hands. George Bush and his advisers must have seen this coming. It happened to Clinton, with the roles reversed. It happened to Bush Senior, and it happened to Ronald Reagan after he lost the Senate in 1986. Reagan's case was particularly abject, since he had had such a commanding position earlier. The president and his cabinet officers sat and whistled while the Democrats pushed through bills on civil rights, labour rights, welfare, health, trade and education. Simultaneous control of the White House, the House of Representatives and the Senate is not normal in American politics. The private response of the Bush team to the admonition "You can't carry on like this" may well have been that they knew that very well but had at least to try to achieve some momentum before the countervailing forces came into play. The question now for Americans and all the rest of us for whom the decisions of the US government are important is what will replace the attempt to govern by declaration, for declaration is what has mainly characterised the Bush administration so far. Will they try to achieve their objectives by stealth and, if they do, can they succeed? Will they sulk, or fall out among themselves? It is, after all, annoying when a wheel falls off the cart so quickly. Many suggest that the administration will have to be more centrist. But some objectives do not admit of compromise. You either drill in the Alaska reserve or you do not. You either reject or ruthlessly amend the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty or you keep it. You either deploy a missile defence or you do not. You either move militarily into space or you do not. You either license a new generation of nuclear power plants or you do not. You either tie foreign aid to anti-abortion principles or you do not. As far as weapons are concerned, compromise of a sort can sometimes be found in agreement on research and development, but in most areas that has already been pushed about as far as it can go. The Republicans still have the House, and they will always have the hope of tipping the balance back in the Senate. Mutual sabotage may be a likelier possibility than centrist cooperation. When presidents are stymied domestically, they have often found themselves freer to act in international affairs. While Ronald Reagan was being bypassed by the Senate in his second term, he was also responding to Mikhail Gorbachev's overtures and, in his dreamy way, helping to end the Cold War. George Bush put together a coalition against Iraq and fought a necessary campaign against that country. Bill Clinton wavered and wobbled but eventually intervened with some success in the Balkans, tried hard in the Middle East, cultivated the Russians, helped in Ireland and pursued a strong free trade policy. There are veterans of both the Reagan and earlier Bush periods in office on George Bush's team who well remember the successes of those administrations. Some of them were architects of those successes. The problem for this administration is that it largely abjured an active foreign policy in advance. The distaste for intervention, for the close management of peace processes, for international action on the environment and for some aspects of international economic cooperation was well signalled. On top of that, the Bush administration managed to behave with a distinct lack of courtesy toward Russia, a distinct lack of the usual ambiguity toward China and a distinct lack of consideration toward Europe very quickly after taking office. A certain amount of fence mending has already been undertaken, and the US has been forced to re-engage in the Middle East. But it is difficult to see from where a string of foreign successes, compensating for domestic difficulties, could come. The project of persuading Russia, China, and Europe that missile defence is a necessary and worthwhile project will now be even more difficult. Colin Powell was dutifully pushing it earlier this week at the Nato meeting in Budapest but he could not get other foreign ministers to endorse a form of words that opened the door in that direction.
The Bush administration believes in looking after American business and
in defending quite narrowly defined national interests. It has little
internationalist vision. How can the US lead when it is leadership
itself which this administration finds problematic? When Bush comes to
Europe this month and next for a round of meetings with European,
Russian and Japanese leaders, he will be under severe pressure. Hampered
at home, he will have less to offer abroad than his predecessors - since
American help, whether in the form of troops in the Balkans, aid to
Russians dismantling nuclear weapons or diplomatic work between Israelis
and Palestinians, is precisely what the US wants to reduce. Out of hard
situations sometimes new beginnings are possible. Perhaps the Bush
administration can reinvent itself, but the prospects are not encouraging. |

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Used to be that when Clinton was in office, every new day would have a new poll, or
so it seemed. The slightest slippage in Clinton's numbers would be hailed as proof
that America was finally starting to turn on him, and his gains were generally ignored.
But with a Republican in illegal occupation of the White House, the mainstream
corporate press' fondness for polls (said fondness for which, in a class case of
projection, they tried to pin on Clinton) has suddenly cooled. I haven't heard much at
all on network TV about Bush's numbers over the past two months.
This is very interesting, because the latest CNN poll shows that things aren't exactly
as rosy as they could be for the Commander-in-Thief.
His job approval rating still hovers a touch over 50%, but his disapproval ratings
have shot up from 24% in February to 38% in May. This is in line with the other
legitimate major polls such as Gallup, which all show his negative numbers well over
the 30-percent mark -- and growing. This is despite the corporate press' 24/7 efforts
to spin everything to his satisfaction. As things stand now, even with the corporate
media backing him to the hilt in exchange for relaxed FCC anti-trust regulations,
fewer than half of all Americans would themselves trust him -- and fewer than half
would vote for him.
Again, I have to emphasize: This is all happening despite the refusal of the corporate
broadcast media to emphasize -- or even mention in passing -- certain important truths.
Truths such as:
the fact that only the deregged parts of California are suffering from both high
energy prices and blackouts
if California's economy is allowed to tank due to price-gouging by Bush's
energy-industry buddies, the rest of the US will follow suit
the Bush regime just gave $43 million and a pat on the back to the Taliban
regime in Afghanistan even as the Taliban prepares to implement their own
version of the Holocaust on Afghanistan's Hindu population
gasoline supplies in California are plentiful, so plentiful that they're running out
of places to store it, so plentiful that even conservative locales like Orange County
are calling into question what look to be artificially-high pump prices in the Golden State.
Even with truths like these being hidden or downplayed, Americans are slowly
beginning to get the picture. And as they do, it will become obvious to everyone that
Shrubbie and his minders have holed their own junta below the waterline. |
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AN EXCLUSIVE BUZZFLASH INTERVIEW WITH VINCENT BUGLIOSI On Tuesday, May 29, Buzzflash conducted a telephone interview with Vincent Bugliosi, author of "The Betrayal Of America: How The Supreme Court Undermined Our Constitution And Chose Our President". Mr. Bugliosi’s book provides the gruesome details of the High Court’s theft of the 2000 presidential election. He offers a devastating legal point-by-point rebuttal to the majority opinion that gave the election to George W. Bush, an opinion that is so embarrassingly convoluted that the author refused to sign it. Significantly, in the foreword of the book, trial attorney Gerry Spence cautions that it is "professional death" for a lawyer to challenge the Supreme Court. The danger is apparently not limited to attorneys. Mr. Bugliosi is a best selling author who has been a welcome guest on the mainstream media during all of his previous book tours. You can find his article "None Dare Call It Treason" at None Dare Call It Treason . "This time has been different," the author told BuzzFlash.com. "I have experienced rejections from shows that have always welcomed me in the past, including The Today Show, Good Morning America, Larry King, Charlie Rose, and Ted Koppel. I have pretty much been relegated to appearing on Court TV and, ironically enough, Fox. I’ve been interviewed by Greta Van Susterin, Bill O’Reilly, Hannity and Colmes, Judith Regan, and Diane Dimond. But what I call the moderate to liberal media, from National Public Radio to the major network shows, they don’t want any part of me this time." WHY? "They all give me the same mantra. ‘Number one, the election is over. Number two, Bush won anyway. No one cares anymore’, they say. ‘Get over it’. It’s twisted reasoning and totally illogical, but that’s what they say." WHAT IS THE REAL REASON? "There are two reasons. Past experience has taught me that most of the people in media are so conformist that they literally just stop thinking for themselves. And they are extremely stupid. They just repeat what they’ve heard, and they’ve heard that Bush won. Secondly, most journalists are spineless to the point that it’s amazing that they can even sit up on TV. And they fear the fanatical right. They know that the right wing is far more mean spirited." "The so called ‘liberals’ in the media are nauseating and disgusting. They just passively absorb all of it and refuse to fight. I’m a fighter." Mr. Bugliosi mentioned that his previous paperback book on the Paula Jones fiasco was reviewed by the New York Times, the Washington Post, and U.S.A. Today. "But not this one. They don’t want to touch this. They’re hoping that it goes away. But I’m not going away. I will pursue it until those five justices are ashamed to ever show their faces in public again." WHY SO MUCH PASSION ON YOUR PART? WHY NOT "GET OVER IT?" "Because this is the greatest American crime since slavery! The Supreme Court actually ruled that Americans don’t have the right to have their votes counted. Listen carefully, because this is easy to distort, but this is a crucial point. I prosecuted Charles Manson. He was responsible for the savage murders of innocent people. But this is worse. This is worse than John Wayne Gacy. The magnitude of this crime is mind-boggling. These five criminals, let’s call them what they are, they belong in prison for the rest of their lives. They stole something that many Americans have fought and died for. They corrupted our most precious possession - our democracy!" WHAT CAN BE DONE? "We can get the word out. We can fight this asinine notion that once the crime has been committed, it’s over. Even if Bush would have won a legitimate count in Florida, which he wouldn’t have, that doesn’t excuse the crime that the Supreme Court committed. And, as an experienced trial lawyer, I choose my words carefully. They committed a crime. They used phony arguments to reach a predetermined conclusion. They lied. They knew exactly what they were doing. Letting them off the hook just because some newspaper recounts say that Bush would have won anyway misses the point. If you take a gun and shoot at someone, then you can’t claim that you’re innocent just because you miss them. And when you stop a vote count solely in order to put your guy in the White House, and in my book I prove beyond any reasonable doubt that’s exactly what these five criminals did, then you can’t say that it doesn’t matter because your crime turned out to be unnecessary." "But these are disreputable people. Just one example – Rehnquist. This bum committed perjury during his own confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Senator Kennedy confronted him with a memo that Rehnquist had written as a law clerk for Justice Jackson. It read, ‘I think that we should argue in favor of Plessey v. Ferguson’. That’s the doctrine of separate but equal. Rehnquist then lied under oath and told the committee that he was transcribing something that Justice Jackson had said. But that was not Jackson’s position. And Rehnquist could not produce any other ‘transcriptions’. Unfortunately, Jackson was dead. And the Democrats let Rehnquist off the hook." SOUNDS LIKE ASHCROFT AND OLSON... "Exactly. It’s really disgusting. Look, the Democrats are not going to do anything on their own, but we can’t just put up with this corruption on the Supreme Court. I am going to meet with some people about starting a movement to begin impeachment proceedings in the House Judiciary Committee to bring these five rascals to justice. We have to try. We can’t just let them take our democracy away. We have to fight." WHAT CAN WE DO?
"Contact the media. Let them know that you care. The producer at Good Morning America, Shelley Roth, told
me that she just doesn’t believe that anyone cares anymore. It’s the same old spiel – ‘Election’s over – Bush
won – No one cares – Get over it.’ But here’s the thing; if the defendants at Nuremberg would have stood up
and said, ‘The war’s over. Let’s move on,’ that wouldn’t have worked. It shouldn’t work in America, either." |
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The conservative Washington Times may have expressed the schizophrenia
best on its May 24 editorial page. The newspaper, which is financed by South
Korean theocrat Rev. Sun Myung Moon, highlighted what it called the "outrage
of the week" in an editorial that accused Senate Democrats of delivering "a
major hit" to "the political civility that President George W. Bush committed
himself to restore in Washington."
The editorial complained that Democratic leaders had balked at a plan to let
98-year-old Sen. Strom Thurmond, R-S.C., skip some late-night votes by
"pairing" him with a Democratic senator who would agree not to vote. Though
this decision seems to have come from the Democratic leadership, the
Times tossed in freshman Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton for blame, with a
gratuitous slap at profits she made from commodities trading in the 1970s.
Then, in its own strange "pairing" – given the concern for civility – the Times
published a crude editorial cartoon depicting Jeffords with donkey ears. "If he
talks like a jackass, walks like a jackass, looks like a jackass, and calls
himself an elephant, then he’s probably a dumb jackass," the Washington
Times cartoonist wrote.
This unblushing juxtaposition of high-minded language about civility and the
politics of insult has become typical of this new political landscape in which
language grows ever more distant from reality. Bush’s supporters, in
particular, wax eloquent about their commitment to political gentility while
continuing the opposite behavior, without a wince for the hypocrisy.
The Jeffords defection, which cost Republicans control of the Senate, ripped
off the genteel masks big time. The Wall Street Journal dubbed Jeffords "a
big baby" in one online editorial. "Benedict Jeffords," howled the headline of
the New York Post.
The National Review’s Jonah Goldberg observed ruefully, "I know that it’s
illegal to sew a half-starved weasel into his small intestine, but there are
other options." [For a compilation of these and other conservative comments
about Jeffords, see The Washington Post, May 25, 2001]
Judicial Restraint?
Beyond language, the events of the past decade have made clear that even
the application of law is now just a political weapon.
On the same days as the civility editorial and the Jeffords-jackass cartoon,
The Washington Times carried advertisements for a "tribute to Honorable N.
Sanders Sauls," the Florida judge who rejected Vice President Al Gore’s
motion for a Florida recount after Sauls had eaten up precious time last fall
and then refused to examine the ballots that had been introduced as
evidence. [WT, May 24, 2001]
This latest Sanders Sauls tribute – scheduled for June 7 – is sponsored by
the right-wing Judicial Watch, which filed an endless string of lawsuits
against Democrats during the Clinton administration and intervened on
Bush’s behalf in the recount battle. Sauls, who apparently sees nothing
wrong in siding openly with partisan factions, also is being honored in June
by the FreeRepublic.com group, another far-right collection of Clinton-haters.
But the Right’s media and attack groups are not alone in their campaign to
consolidate public opinion around the legitimacy of Bush’s ascension to the
presidency. Elements of the mainstream news media, which increasingly
moves in synch with the conservative media, are serving that effort as well.
In a May 16 column, Washington Post columnist Michael Kelly torched those
who still object to Bush’s victory or see a pro-Bush tilt in the media. To make
his point, Kelly blended three old and new myths about the national press
corps.
A 'Liberal' Media
Kelly’s argument opens with the old canard about a "liberal" news media.
The core of this argument – dating back about a quarter century – is that
surveys have found Washington journalists more likely to vote Democratic
than Republican, though some more refined studies, such as one
sponsored by Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, judged working
journalists generally more liberal than the average Americans on social
issues while more conservative on economic ones.
Nevertheless, the fundamental illogic of the "liberal" media argument is the
supposition that working reporters control the news coverage, rather than the
people who own the newspapers and television networks.
The key -- and obvious -- point is that the owners set the editorial policies and
hire editors who enforce these policies. Reporters are essentially hired help
whose careers rise or fall depending on how well they please the news
executives.
Hypothetically, for instance, a poll of the news staff at the New York Post
might show that rank-and-file editorial workers favored Gore over Bush, say,
2-to-1, a not-unreasonable supposition given the newspaper’s base in New
York City. Using the "liberal media" logic then, one would conclude that the
New York Post was an overwhelmingly liberal newspaper.
What that "logic" would miss, however, is that the owner, Rupert Murdoch, is a
conservative who hires senior editors who reflect his point of view. These
editors decide how stories are assigned, edited and placed within the
newspaper. They also write the editorials, pick the columnists – and fire or
demote reporters who don’t get with the program.
Therefore, it matters little that the lady writing obits might have voted for Gore
or that the fellow putting headlines on wire copy might have voted for Bush.
What matters is the political perspective of the people in charge.
Kelly, who is editor of The Atlantic, writes as if he’s oblivious to this basic fact
of journalistic life.
A Second Myth
Kelly’s second myth was his insistence that "independent news
organizations have reported that, under almost any conceivable scenario of
recounting the Florida vote, George W. Bush beat Al Gore." Kelly wrote that
because of this supposed fact, "the cry that Bush is a robber-president has
lost a bit of oomph."
Again, Kelly either was not aware of the latest news from Florida or chose to
ignore it. The most recent findings of the unofficial newspaper studies of the
Florida vote indicate that Gore – not only was the winner nationally by more
than half a million votes – but was the choice of Florida voters.
USA Today estimated that Gore lost a net of 15,000 to 25,000 votes from
confusion over poorly designed ballots – far more than Bush’s 537-vote
official margin.
Yet, even ignoring those spoiled ballots, the Miami Herald and USA Today
found that Gore would have won under reasonable standards for judging the
clear intent of voters.
Gore would have defeated Bush by 242 votes if a statewide recount had
counted so-called "overvotes" – those mistakenly kicked out by machine
counters as having more than one presidential choice – and "undervotes"
with perforated chads or multiple indentations, indicating that a
malfunctioning voting machine had prevented voters from punching through
their choice for president and other races.
Gore’s margin would have been larger if ballots with indentations only for
president were counted, too. Bush would have prevailed only if all ballots with
indentations were thrown out, the newspapers found. [USA Today, Miami
Herald, May 11, 2001]
So, Kelly’s assertion that Gore lost under "almost any conceivable scenario"
is wrong.
A Flawed Study
The third myth in Kelly’s column was his reliance on a new study by a group
calling itself the Project for Excellence in Journalism, an organization funded
by the Pew Charitable Trust.
This group put out a report that purported to find that "contrary to Democratic
complaints, George W. Bush has not gotten an easier ride from the American
media in the first 100 days than Bill Clinton did in his famously rocky start. …
Despite a very good first month, Bush’s coverage overall was actually less
positive than Bill Clinton’s eight years ago."
Rather than show any skepticism about these findings, which clash with any
clear recollection of the harsh treatment of Clinton versus the rave reviews for
Bush, Kelly embraces the report as if it were holy writ.
Kelly even cites as support for his position an article by The Washington
Post’s John Harris. But Harris’ article actually had concluded the opposite,
that Bush’s coverage indeed was softer than Clinton’s. "The truth is, this new
president has done things with relative impunity that would have been huge
uproars if they had occurred under Clinton," Harris wrote, [WP, May 6, 2001]
In his May 16 column, Kelly also forgets that he was one of the commentators
who earlier had perceived a friendly media attitude toward Bush. In a March 7
column listing several factors in Bush’s early success, Kelly wrote that Bush
"benefits from an easy and shallow charm, which is useful in winning over an
easy and shallow press corps." [Washington Post, March 7, 2001]
Yet, this one Pew-funded study swept away all the observations of Bush
getting an easy ride. In a different journalistic time, a study that sharply
conflicted with what was apparent to nearly any observer would draw its own
scrutiny. What methodology was employed? Were the judgments slanted for
some reason?
Any careful examination of the report would have shown it not to be worth the
money that Pew ponied up for it. As Bob Somerby of DailyHowler.com has
noted, the Pew-funded report covered not the first 100 days as advertised, but
only the first 60. (Actually, the study examined about 30 days of the first 60
days, according to the study’s methodology.)
Limited Sample
More importantly, the study based its conclusions on a very narrow – and to a
great extent, outdated – selection of news outlets.
The study looked at only two newspapers, The Washington Post and The
New York Times. No examination was given of the increasingly influential
conservative news media or even major regional newspapers. There was no
counting of articles from The Washington Times, the New York Post, the
Chicago Tribune, the Miami Herald, or the Los Angeles Times.
It’s also not clear why the Pew-funded study did not look at the two
biggest-circulation newspapers, USA Today and the Wall Street Journal.
Since The Washington Post and The New York Times both endorsed Clinton
and Gore, their editorial pages could be expected to be more supportive of
Clinton and more critical of Bush, the key fact that skewed the findings.
By contrast, if the Wall Street Journal had been used, its relentlessly
anti-Clinton, pro-Bush opinion articles would have tipped the survey in a
different direction.
As for magazines, the study checked out only one -- Newsweek. There was
no tabulation of the coverage in Murdoch’s Weekly Standard or other
influential right-wing journals, such as the American Spectator, National
Review and Moon’s Insight magazine.
For television, the survey was slightly broader but still missed the point about
how today’s media influences the public.
The study looked at the evening news programs from CBS, NBC, ABC and
PBS. It ignored coverage from the cable networks and the pundit programs,
major shapers of political opinion. The study ignored MSNBC and its roster of
loudmouth commentators, as well as Murdoch’s conservative-leaning Fox
News and AOL Time Warner’s CNN.
Other important media outlets, such as talk radio, were missed altogether,
although the impact of the conservative voices of Rush Limbaugh and G.
Gordon Liddy were central to tearing down Clinton at the start of his
administration and building up Bush at the start of his.
The Pew-funded study had other major shortcomings, endemic to such
efforts to categorize coverage as "positive" or "negative" and equate that with
fairness. The simple fact is that some actions are more deserving of critical
coverage than others.
To say, for instance, that most coverage of Oklahoma bomber Timothy
McVeigh, has been negative would not necessarily mean the coverage was
unfair. Similarly, politicians deserve negative coverage sometimes and other
times they don’t.
One might hope that the Project for Excellence in Journalism would have
exhibited a more sophisticated understanding of the workings of journalism.
But this Pew-financed operation seems to be living in the 1950s when a
couple of mainstream newspapers could dominate the media agenda and
the major TV networks had a lock on what the public would hear from
broadcast news.
Trashing the White House
This approach to quantifying coverage also misses the journalistic twists of
individual stories. The first weeks of the new Bush administration, for
instance, were dominated as much by critical coverage of former President
Clinton as they were by positive coverage of Bush.
One of the principal tales was the story of Clinton aides allegedly trashing the
White House and stripping Air Force One before departing. The story received
front-page coverage in The Washington Post and was trumpeted on the
pundit shows and across much of the national news media.
In this case, the Bush White House played a clever game. Officially, Bush's
surrogates acted magnanimous in urging the press not to make too big a
deal of the vandalism. On background, Bush's operatives fed the press juicy
tidbits about slashed wiring, pornographic graffiti and looted government
property.
Typical of the media’s lack of journalistic rigor when dealing with negative
Clinton stories, the Washington press corps did not demand proof of the
vandalism, such as photographs or other hard evidence. Instead, the press
corps simply published unattributed accounts of vengeful Democrats
ransacking government property, a theme that meshed well with Bush’s
public call for a restoration of dignity in the White House.
Nearly four months later, the General Services Administration issued a report
finding no evidence that Clinton’s aides had trashed the White House. "The
condition of the real property was consistent with what we would expect to
encounter when tenants vacate office space after an extended occupancy,"
the federal landlord agency said.
Unlike the front-page treatment of the allegations, the GSA report was either
buried deep in newspapers or ignored altogether. The Washington Post ran
a wire story on page A13 on May 18, 2001.
Nine days later, Jake Siewart, Clinton’s last press secretary, wrote an opinion
column published in the Post’s Outlook section. "After years of watching the
Washington press corps at work, I know it’s pointless to ask for apologies,"
Siewart wrote. "Apparently, most of the commentators and reporters who
reported this story four months ago have ‘moved on.’ Being a journalist today
means never having to say you’re sorry."
Siewart contrasted the apocryphal damage to the White House to the real
damage to the reputation of Clinton aides. "The Clinton staff, who offered the
new Bush team detailed briefing books, one-on-one meetings and personal
tours to make the transition seamless, got to go home and have their
reputations trashed by the people they had helped. All in the name of
‘changing the tone’ in Washington. And the press corps did not just sit back
and watch the vandals at work; it lent a hand." [WP, May 27, 2001]
A New Era
What all this indicates is that the nation has entered a new era -- not one of
political civility but one in which the words of day-to-day political discourse
have grown almost fully estranged from any real meaning or attachment to
fact. Propaganda – not journalism – is ascendant.
Yet, rather than climbing the ramparts to battle for the traditional values of
journalism – reason, fairness and truth – many Washington media figures
have chosen to spare themselves and their careers.
|

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Apocalypse -- Now! Joshua Micah Marshall on George W. Bush's alarmism SINCE THE FIRST DAYS of the Bush White House, journalists have sifted the tea leaves trying to divine the new administration's defining trait, its signature characteristic. Writing in the New Republic, Frank Foer described it as a resurgence of the buttoned-down, fifties-era organization man after the reign of those clever but undisciplined, stereotypically baby-booming Clintonites. But as a growing track record has added to those initial impressions, and the Bush honeymoon comes to an official conclusion with the defection of Jim Jeffords, another tendency more unique and unexpected has come into focus: alarmism. Again and again, the Bush White House has pushed its policy agenda by trying to whip up public concern or panic about this or that issue, sometimes to a degree even supporters have found outsized or bizarre. To pave the way for Bush's tax cut package, which enjoyed only lukewarm popularity, the White House started dooming and glooming about the economy, figuring, perhaps rightly, that Bill Clinton was on the line for whatever might go wrong. Vice-President Cheney warned the country was "on the front edge of a recession," perhaps a pretty bad one, and the president said the economy was starting to "sputter." Then came resistance to the president's energy and environmental policy, and a similar ploy was concocted. In energy secretary Spencer Abraham's speech in March, rising fuel prices and the California deregulation debacle became the "energy crisis now sweeping the nation." The worst since the seventies! One which could "threaten our nation's economic prosperity, compromise our national security, and literally alter the way we live our lives"! It's true of course, the economy did skip off the rails at the tail end of 2000, and energy prices have started to rise after almost a generation when they held steady or, in real terms at least, even fell. And presidents always use the bully pulpit to push their programs. But Bush's tendency toward alarmism looks different in kind, not just degree. And the pattern of discovering a new crisis to match every major political initiative -- tax cut, expanded oil drilling, missile defense -- is hard to ignore. To some extent, this stems from personal history on the new president's part, and an element of cartoonish over-compensation. During the recession of 1990-91, Democrats skewered his father, then-president Bush, for conspicuous inattention to the human toll of the economic slump. It's a mistake his son has often promised he won't repeat. But at a deeper level Bush's dilemma is rooted in the contradictory origins of his presidency. Quite apart from the Florida brouhaha, Bush was elected by a divided electorate that was deeply ambivalent about leaping out in any dramatic new public policy direction -- either to right or the left. Bill Clinton had largely reconciled himself to the electorate's finickiness, but once elected, George W. Bush pressed forward with an agenda, like Ronald Reagan's, which was consistently, if not stridently, conservative. Yet there's a difference. Think what you will about Ronald Reagan's politics, he took office when few Americans needed convincing that the country was in a ditch. He could thus benefit from the atmosphere of crisis while himself appearing confident and optimistic. Since Bush is unwilling to pursue his father's sort of compromise presidency and insists on pushing an ambitious legislative agenda, he has found himself in the paradoxical position of making the case not only for the solutions to the "crises," but also for the existence of the crises themselves. Bush's alarmism hasn't so much strengthened his hand in the Congress as it's stiffened the resolve of those senators and congresspersons already inclined to vote with him. But it's done little to move the votes of Democrats and thus seems unlikely to help him in a Senate now controlled by that party. And it's an inherently risky gambit, one that already shows signs of backfiring on the energy front, because public pessimism once ginned up is not so easily controlled. In early May a Gallup poll revealed that the president's approval ratings had sagged to a worrisome 53%. This may be a reaction to arsenic levels in water or just the end of the honeymoon. But a quick look at the poll's "internals" suggests another possibility: blowback from the White House's own scaremongering. From early March to early May the number of Americans who thought the nation's energy situation was "very serious" went from 31% to 58%. That's an astonishing jump in a mere two months especially when not much had changed over those sixty-odd days. Not much, that is, except for public debate itself, which came to focus increasingly on the energy crisis, something the White House had done more to foment that anyone else. But kicking up anxiety about the country's energy woes is perilous when few of your solutions promise short-term or even medium-term relief. Likewise, Bush's tax plan was short on immediate, anxiety-quelling results: The Bush plan aimed most of the cuts at those who tend to invest their money and thus might improve the economy in the long run, and little to those who tend to spend and thus might improve it in the short run.
One of the Bush crowd's key critiques of the Clintonites was their
addiction to the permanent campaign, always spinning and gaming
and playing the electorate for advantage rather than simply
governing. Yet the Bush White House seems more addicted than its
predecessor ever was. And for sitting presidents, alarmism is a
particularly dangerous tool. While candidates for office can
scaremonger to their hearts' content, a president's popularity is
inextricably tied to the public's perceptions of the well-being of the
country. |

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Whither The Press On May 19? By Carol Schiffler In December 1996, the Virgin Mary put in an appearance at the Seminole Finance Corporation building in Clearwater, Florida. It was an unusual and timely event, and the Blessed Virgin, usually upstaged by sightings of Jesus and/or Elvis, got more than her fair share of media attention that holiday season. From a simple phone call to a local television station, news of the apparition soon circled the globe, and no lesser entities than the Associated Press, CNN, the Today Show, and ABC news were soon crawling all over one another to promote the miracle. Even after further investigation proved the image to be an accidental, albeit fortuitous, portrait produced by a combination of mineral deposits and shoddy window cleaning, Tampa Bay News continued to air a promotional spot pronouncing it "our own Miracle on 34th Street". Given the veritable media feeding frenzy generated by what, in the end, amounted to a three-dimensional yuletide Rorshach test, it is difficult to understand the silence surrounding the May 19 voting reform march in Washington DC. Conservative estimates put the head count at around 1200 in DC alone. This does not include the thousand or so more who showed up for the West Coast event in San Francisco. Yet without exception, the mainstream media covered its collective ears and closed its collective eyes while uttering the age-old mantra, "La, la, la. I can't hear you." A sampling of national news articles from the New York Times on May 20 reveals the following "newsworthy" events: - A Utah Man with 5 Wives in Convicted of Bigamy - For Hindus and Vegetarians, Surprise in McDonald's French Fries - Bible Belt Couples 'Put Asunder' More, Despite Efforts - A Farm Town in Nebraska is Lamenting the Loss of its Only Grocery Store One hardly knows whether to laugh or weep. What to make, then, of the May 28th Times editorial page? Should we be rejoicing over the fact that Maureen Dowd has finally recovered from her obsession with Bill Clinton's penis and instead, turned her acid pen upon the witless wonder in the White House? Should we not tingle in our nether regions when we see the Op-Ed section proudly flying the Democratic colors of BOTH Paul Begala and James Carville? Should we see some small sign of hope in the fact that Paul Krugman is allowed to refer to His Residency - in print - as George W. "you-will-be-assimilated" Borg? Reflect upon this. To a person who has lived on freeze-dried cat food for the past six months, a can of Spam looks pretty darned good. Yes, it is heartening to see the corporate media pounding on the great oaken doors of Castle W. But it is not good enough. And it will not be good enough until every major newspaper and every cable news network stops retreating from the battleground every time the specter of Election 2000 rears its ugly head. What other reason could there be for ignoring thousands of outraged citizens waving signs and demanding voting reform? The topic was timely and relevant; the event well attended. The speakers were intelligent and articulate; the ideas presented were stimulating. It was not like the protest consisted solely of a nut case with a sandwich board petitioning our legislators to ban elderly women with wiener dogs from public sidewalks after 6 P.M. In every way, the protest was a newsworthy event. Every way, that is, except one. In order to report anything at all about Votermarch, it would be necessary to admit that there was a need for voting reform. And to admit there is a need for voting reform would be to admit that something went terribly wrong in Election 2000. And to admit that Election 2000 was a real train wreck of an election is to admit that the current occupant of the White House might be an accidental president at best. Then there would be questions, yes, and maybe investigations, and in the end America might finally learn what Dubya's little brother really meant when he said, "George, don't worry about Florida."
It is all well and good for the media to cough up occasional chunks of pre-digested
Bush-bashing, but this must not be mistaken for a bright new age of journalistic
integrity. When a protest march promoting voting reform receives as much press
coverage as a ghostly image etched in mineral deposits on a dirty window in Florida,
then maybe I, too, will believe. |

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That's the message sent with the recent gift of $43 million to the Taliban rulers of Afghanistan, the most virulent
anti-American violators of human rights in the world today. The gift, announced last Thursday by Secretary of State
Colin Powell, in addition to other recent aid, makes the United States the main sponsor of the Taliban and rewards
that "rogue regime" for declaring that opium growing is against the will of God. So, too, by the Taliban's estimation,
are most human activities, but it's the ban on drugs that catches this administration's attention.
Never mind that Osama bin Laden still operates the leading anti-American terror operation from his base in Afghanistan,
from which, among other crimes, he launched two bloody attacks on American embassies in Africa in 1998.
Sadly, the Bush administration is cozying up to the Taliban regime at a time when the United Nations, at U.S. insistence,
imposes sanctions on Afghanistan because the Kabul government will not turn over Bin Laden.
The war on drugs has become our own fanatics' obsession and easily trumps all other concerns. How else could we come
to reward the Taliban, who has subjected the female half of the Afghan population to a continual reign of terror in a country once considered enlightened in its
treatment of women?
At no point in modern history have women and girls been more systematically abused than in Afghanistan, where in the
name of madness masquerading as Islam, the government in Kabul obliterates their fundamental human rights. Women may
not appear in public without being covered from head to toe with the oppressive shroud called the burkha, and they may
not leave the house without being accompanied by a male family member. They've not been permitted to attend school
or be treated by male doctors, yet women have been banned from practicing medicine or any profession for that matter.
The lot of males is better if they blindly accept the laws of an extreme religious theocracy that prescribes strict rules
governing all behavior, from a ban on shaving to what crops may be grown. It is this last power that has captured
the enthusiasm of the Bush White House.
The Taliban fanatics, economically and diplomatically isolated, are at the breaking point, and so, in return for a pittance
of legitimacy and cash from the Bush administration, they have been willing to appear to reverse themselves on the growing
of opium. That a totalitarian country can effectively crack down on its farmers is not surprising. But it is grotesque for a
U.S. official, James P. Callahan, director of the State Department's Asian anti-drug program, to describe the Taliban's
special methods in the language of representative democracy: "The Taliban used a system of consensus-building,"
Callahan said after a visit with the Taliban, adding that the Taliban justified the ban on drugs "in very religious terms."
Of course, Callahan also reported, those who didn't obey the theocratic edict would be sent to prison.
In a country where those who break minor rules are simply beaten on the spot by religious police and others are stoned
to death, it's understandable that the government's "religious" argument might be compelling. Even if it means, as Callahan
concedes, that most of the farmers who grew the poppies will now confront starvation. That's because the Afghan economy
has been ruined by the religious extremism of the Taliban, making the attraction of opium as a previously tolerated quick
cash crop overwhelming.
For that reason, the opium ban will not last unless the United States is willing to pour far larger amounts of money
into underwriting the Afghan economy.
As the Drug Enforcement Administration's Steven Casteel admitted, "The bad side of the ban is that it's bringing their
country -- or certain regions of their country -- to economic ruin." Nor did he hold out much hope for Afghan farmers
growing other crops such as wheat, which require a vast infrastructure to supply water and fertilizer that no longer exists
in that devastated country. There's little doubt that the Taliban will turn once again to the easily taxed cash crop of opium
in order to stay in power.
The Taliban may suddenly be the dream regime of our own drug-war zealots, but in the end this alliance will prove
a costly failure. Our long sad history of signing up dictators in the war on drugs demonstrates the futility of building
a foreign policy on a domestic obsession.
|

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Democrats Rebuff GOP In Senate
Democrats said Wednesday they would follow precedent set by the 83rd
Congress in 1953, when the GOP presided over a Senate with 48 Republicans,
47 Democrats and 1 independent. Republicans had one more senator on each
committee when Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower moved into the
White House after the 1952 elections.
Alaska and Hawaii weren't states in 1953, so there were only 96 senators.
Last week, Vermont Sen. Jim Jeffords dramatically bolted the GOP, citing
its increasingly conservative policy and little tolerance for dissent.
Jeffords will be an independent, but will vote with the Democrats on
organizing the Senate.
With Democrats set to control the Senate for the first time in more than
six years, Republicans repeatedly have said they want some way to move
possible stalled Bush administration nominees out of potentially deadlocked
Senate committees and to the Senate floor.
GOP lawmakers are worried about the fate of controversial Bush appointees
like Theodore B. Olson, whose nomination was only forced from an evenly
split Judiciary Committee onto the Senate floor under special rules agreed
between the two parties for organizing the 50-50 Senate.
Now Republicans say that because Democrats -- although the dominant party
-- do not have an absolute majority, special arrangements to speed other
nominees through the Senate should be devised.
"With a 50-49-1 makeup of the Senate, it is a unique situation, and it is
not the same as a 51-49 majority," Ron Bonjean, spokesman for Senate
Republican Leader Trent Lott said Tuesday. "Therefore a number of Republican
senators feel a host of issues must be addressed before they would support
an organizing resolution."
But Democrats said Wednesday they would reject any mechanism to give
Republicans any more control over nominees.
"There is no Senate precedent for that," said Ranit Schmelzer, spokesman
for incoming Majority Leader Tom Daschle said. Schmelzer said Democrats
would stick to the historical precedent set by the 83rd Congress following
the 1952 elections, where the resolution organizing the Senate gave the GOP
one-seat majorities on all committees and extended no extra parliamentary
tools to the minority party.
"That is what we will be proposing," Schmelzer said. "It is in line with
Senate precedent."
Republicans did not return repeated calls for comment Wednesday. But some
GOP senators have said privately they have little or no hope of putting up
much of a fight when Congress returns from the Memorial Day recess next
week. |

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Dead Letter Office
Heil Bush,
Dear Gruppenfuhrer Landrieu,
Congratulations you have just been awarded the Vidkun Quisling Award for 2001. Your name will now live throughout history with such past award winners as Marcus Junius Brutus, Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arnold, Vidkun Quisling and last year’s winner Volksjudge Antoni (light-fingers) Scalia.
With your vote to weaken workers safety laws and thereby save your corporate masters billions of dollars, while eliminating useless, worn out workers from corporate responsibility, you have made it possible for all of us to goose-step off to a brave new world.
Along with this award there will be an Iron Cross 2nd class presented by our glorious Fuhrer Herr Bush at a gala party in das Fuhrer Bunker, formerly the White House on 7-4-2001. We salute you Frau Landrieu! Sieg Heil!
Signed,
Heil Bush
|
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Energy Crisis Populism
The last time we had unregulated electricity markets in the United
States was in the 1880s, and energy writer Harvey Wasserman
describes it as "an unmitigated disaster: a short-term free-for-all
followed by an avalanche of corporate consolidation."
George Westinghouse and J.P. Morgan (General Electric) were the
largest among the few remaining behemoths. Morgan wanted to
"avoid the inconveniences of competition, which he considered
barbaric, an unconscionable waste of resources." They
monopolized urban lighting, power and trolley companies by the
simple expedient of buying entire state legislatures, not to mention
one of the most corrupt Congresses in our history -- the one that
inspired Mark Twin's famous observation on our only native
criminal class.
In 1893, the country was hit by a terrible depression and part of the
populist response was to form "munis" -- municipally owned utilities.
In Detroit, the price of running a streetlamp fell from $132 in 1894
under private control to $63 a year in 1902 under municipal control.
War raged between the munis and the private utilities. "Munis
everywhere offered cheaper rates and a political freedom unknown
where private barons owned both the utility and the government."
I bring up this history because Ken Lay of Enron Corp., the
country's largest electricity trader, appears to have been studying
J.P. Morgan. The New York Times reported last week Lay had
called the chairman of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission
(FERC) and told him he would support his continuing as chairman if
he changed his stance on energy deregulation to coincide with
Enron. Lay denies there was a quid pro quo and says the decision
about the chairman will be made by the White House. However,
there is considerable evidence that Lay and the White House are
as one.
Enron and its executives gave $2.4 million to federal candidates in
the last election, 72 percent of it to Republicans. Lay personally is
one of Bush's major, major donors. That's a lot of "access."
Lay is a busy fellow. In addition to helping Dick Cheney with the
White House energy plan, he was in California last week visiting
Arnold Schwarzenegger and Richard Riordan, both potential
candidates for governor against Davis. Michael Milken and other
luminaries also attended.
According to the San Francisco Chronicle, Lay wants more rate
increases, an end to state and federal investigations of price
manipulation, and less regulation. He also wants more federal
control over the power grid and believes state power authorities
should be scrapped.
Let's see now. If you were running for governor of California, would
you run on a plan devised by the company that is making
staggering profits (a 281 percent increase in revenues in the first
quarter) out of your state's misery?
Davis, meanwhile, is preparing to sue FERC for not putting a cap on
energy prices after the commission's finding last year that the
California market is dysfunctional and the rates are "unjust and
unreasonable." Bush went to California and, as the Los Angeles
Times put it, "wagged his finger and lectured Californians that the
energy issue needs action ... not political excuses and
blame-laying. But he brought little action with him and once again
stiffed the state."
The last president who capped energy prices was that mastermind
Richard Nixon. What Davis wants FERC to do is considerably
different. He is willing to guarantee power companies profits of 30
percent to 40 percent, which all would have to agree is rather on
the generous side.
California's power problem is short term: The state is building new
plants at an amazing rate (four this year, four next). But in the
meantime, Californians have watched prices go from $30 a
megawatt in 1999 to $1,900 this spring. That's ridiculous.
Bush worries that a cap will "spread the shortage," but as others
have pointed out, it is more likely to increase short-term supplies
and save California utility companies. The state can then build its
way of the supply problem -- which is actually a transmission
problem.
According to Davis, Bush agreed with him that it makes no sense
that the price of natural gas going from Texas to California is $14
per BTU, while the price going from Texas to New York is $5. He
agreed to see if something could be done about it.
True, California's plan is stupid in that consumers have no incentive
to turn off their air conditioners, but letting the utility companies
charge the ratepayers (as happened in San Diego) willy-nilly would
be even stupider. The distribution system for electricity is still a
"natural monopoly." You can't give monopolies free rein because,
as has been proved time and again, there is no limit to greed.
Those old populists knew what they were talking about. |

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Governor Jeb Bush called a news conference to deny allegations
of having an affair with one Cynthia Henderson. Ms Henderson, a
former Playboy bunny, is a senior employee at the Florida State
Department of Resource Management.
The Governor did not however specifically address allegations
made on the Al Martin Raw Website that he was aware he been
videotaped by an FBI surveillance camera at the 2001 Super Bowl
held in Tampa. Nor would the Governor address what was raised on
Al Martin Raw that in fact Ms. Henderson was seeking money to
keep quiet about her affair with the Florida Governor.
Governor Jeb Bush further denied a previous rumor that he had
an affair with Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris. But that
was a different affair altogether.
In fact, Al Martin Raw knew it was Cynthia Henderson in this
case, and not Katherine Harris, but withheld that information.
Governor Jeb Bush said he was responding to increasing media
pressure on this subject, more specifically on allegations from a
website called Democrats Dot Com. This site has been known to use
information from the Al Martin Raw website. After the Governor's
denial, the Democrats Dot Com backed down, saying they had
perhaps been given wrong information about their allegations.
Of course, it should be noted that Democrats Dot Com is
nothing more than a recirculator of others' stories and does no
independent investigation of its own.
However, we at the Al Martin Raw website stand behind the
allegations in our story
(http://www.almartinraw.com/column6.html. And we will not back
down.
The source of our story comes from a highly placed individual
within the Federal Bureau of Investigation, who has a long track
record of credibility in such matters and who was in a position to
know of this matter, to wit Jeb and the girlfriend at the Super Bowl.
The problem with the Democrats Dot Com website is that it
gives Jeb Bush an out to say that these allegations are just
"political." After Al Martin Raw broke this story, it was on countless
newswires. Bush is however insinuating that they are the only ones
who made this allegation and so there is a political motive. We
thoroughly investigate our information even in this age of corporate
journalism in which investigative journalism has become passé.
The Al Martin Raw Website continues to vigorously investigate
and, yes, even spend money on investigating new stories.
And here's more information you won't find anywhere else. Ms.
Henderson worked for Neil Bush back in the Iran Contra days when
he was running Gulf Stream Realty, the west coast Florida land
fraud company.
Another source has revealed to Al Martin Raw that the reason
the Bushes have carried her all these years and made sure she's
earned a living and gotten good appointments is because of things
she may have found out about Neil and Jeb when she was working
for Neil in the mid 1980s.
Ms. Henderson may have found out the extent of the fraud
they were committing at Gulf Stream Realty Group. Besides being a
counsel, Ms. Henderson also had an affiliation with one of Jeb's
artifices - IMC -- the International Medical Corporation Swindle.
The reason the Bushes may have carried her all these years is
because of something she found out about the extent of the Bush
Brothers' frauds during the Iran Contra period. Nobody has
investigated this.
Why didn't they get rid of Ms. Henderson? She could have been
smart. She could have made copies of incriminating documents and
squirreled them away. The Bush Brothers, particularly Neil and Jeb,
have been known for having many affairs and many women. So
why was this woman treated differently? Why have they tried to
help her over the years, to make sure she was consistently
employed at a $60,000-70,000 a year level? Because she found out,
while being affiliated with Neil, during the Iran Contra period, just
how much fraud Neil and Jeb had been committing through various
fraudulent artifices they were controlling at the time.
Maybe Ms. Henderson just knows too much about Neil and Jeb
Bush's Iran-Contra profiteering…
This edition we're proud to showcase the cartoons of Kevin Siers. |


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To End On A Happy Note ... California's Screamin'
Sung to the tune of "California Dreamin'
(instrumental intro)
Power grids are down.
California's screamin'
Bush stopped all research
California's screamin'
(instrumental break)
Power grids are down.
California's screamin'
|

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"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing." ... Edmund Burke National Strikes One, Two, Three.
Greetings from the very beautiful and independent state of Vermont. You
may not have known that Vermont is also the birthplace of National Strikes
One, Two, Three, AKA The Baseball Strikes. Needless to say, National Strike
One went very well, indeed, here in Vermont as well as throughout the rest of
the nation. The fact that Senator Jeffords, of Vermont, made public his
intention to leave right wing Republicans, one day after National Strike One
ended, has sent a powerful signal to all. This announcement and party switch
also occurred in the week following the Voter March in Washington, DC, and
San Francisco. He could have picked any week of any month to switch parties.
That he chose the week following two national protest demonstrations is
significant to our efforts. If our Senators sense the majority of us are in
favor of right wing policies, they would not feel compelled to oppose them.
Senator Jeffords got the message loud and clear here in Vermont, and he
joined National Strike One by refusing to participate in what he could not
agree with ethically or legally.
For more information about National Strike Two, as well as how to create a
permanent national strike force capability, to protect us from election
fraud, go to the new Strike Two webpage at the following link:
http://hometown.aol.com/estrellaberosini/index.html
Best Wishes,
As an alternative to George W. Bush's energy policies and lack of emphasis
on efficiency, conservation and alternative fuels, there will be a voluntary
rolling blackout on the first day of summer, June 21, from 7 p.m. - 10 p.m.
It doesn't matter what time zone you, what state, what country. If we all
turn out the lights at 7 p.m. regardless of where we live, the "blackout"
will roll across the planet!
It's a simple protest and a symbolic act. Turn out your lights, televisions,
radios and more from 7 p.m. - 10 p.m. on June 21. If it plugs in, turn it
off! Light a candle to read by, kiss your lover in the moonlight, take a
stroll in the dark, tell your children ghost stories, or make up a new and
innovative activity that requires no electricity. All you have to do is have
fun in the dark.
Forward this web site as widely as possible, to your government
representatives and environmental contacts.
Nathan Rudy
With the Voter's Bill of Rights as a primary focus, the National Pro-Democracy
Convention will be a vehicle to gather up and galvanize the disparate and
disaffected constituencies and movements outraged by the flawed election to
build a permanent force for real democracy.
The Convention will include a range of important activities:
* Preceding the convention, there will be a Training Institute for anyone
interested in intensive work towards election reform.
* The kick- off event for the Convention will be a National Town Hall Meeting,
where national leaders will speak out about Election 2000 and offer
recommendations for democratic reforms.
* Throughout the convention, there will be continuous information and
discussion around the principles outlined in the Voters' Bill of Rights and
strategies for strengthening the pro-democracy movement.
The organizers of the Pro-Democracy Convention are determined that what happened
during the 2000 presidential election will never occur again in our country.
We accept the challenge to energize the broadest coalition of organizations,
constituencies and individuals to fulfill this nation's promise of truly being a
bright beacon of democracy and human rights for the world.
To register or for more information, see
We, the undersigned voters, know that our cherished democracy is endangered from
within by the grave and potentially fatal flaws in our voting systems exposed by the
Presidential Election of 2000.
As our elected representatives, you have the duty, the opportunity, and the privilege to
correct these flaws and to restore fair and honest elections throughout our nation. To this
end, we charge you to construct and pass a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS, which shall
include:
Strict enforcement and extension of the Voting Rights Act to prevent the
disenfranchisement of voters and require full investigation and criminal prosecution of
any offenders;
Standardized, easily understandable federal election ballots
Funding to replace old and unreliable voting machines to ensure that every vote is
counted fairly and accurately
Genuine campaign finance reform that bans campaign contributions from special
interests
Replacement of the Electoral College with a majority-rule election, or substantial reform
of the Electoral College to allow for proportional representation
Measures to increase voter participation by eliminating bureaucratic hurdles to voter
registration and turnout, including language barriers, physical barriers, archaic
equipment, and lack of resources
Enactment and enforcement of a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS will restore trust in our
government and encourage participation in our democratic processes. The linchpin of a
democracy is the process by which we select our representatives and leaders. The right
to vote is our defining right as citizens of this nation. We call upon our elected
representatives to protect our Constitution from abusive exercise of government power
by enacting a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS.
We pledge our full and constant support for enactment of a VOTERS BILL OF
RIGHTS.
It is likely that 50% of the U.S. population is strongly dissatisfied with
the ascendancy of George W. Bush to the office of President. There are
three likely reasons:
In the interest of democracy, one could discredit election gripes (point
number one) as being unfair to our longstanding electoral college process..
Also, one might disregard Bush’s agenda (point number two) because the
hallmark of the United States Constitution is tolerance for divergent
political and moral beliefs.
However, point number three leads to a more egregious problem, namely that a
rather anonymous man, with no distinguishing ambition or vision has, by
virtue of family wealth and connection, been installed as President of the
United States. Even the most cursory glance at George W. Bush’s history and
character builds a strong case for charges of nepotism and cronyism. Such a
glaring display of favoritism, to benefit an individual with no considerable
talent, runs counter to the spirit of competition and fair play that has
driven the engine of American capitalism for more than two hundred years.
There is a way to tangibly and immediately raise a voice in protest of
George W. Bush as President. For the remainder of his term, conscientious
Americans should simply write "George W. Bush is an Idiot" on all U.S.
currency that passes through their hands.
This protest has already begun. The first bills were marked and spent in
San Francisco as of January 26, 2001. What is important, though, is to not
only begin marking all currency (and to continue the effort throughout the
Bush presidency), but to forward this memo as much as possible so as to
replicate the message throughout our money supply.
In an effort to mark money more industriously, many of us have ordered a
BUSH IS A FRAUD rubber stamp; these self-inking rubber stamps are useful for
marking the "Fraud" message in red ink.
Make your voice heard, Top twenty Republican donors with global consumer brands:
1 Philip Morris - $4,554,732
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Parting Shots... ![]()
WARRANTEE CARD
Thank you for purchasing a McDonnell Douglas military aircraft
or missile. In order to protect your new investment, please
take a few moments to fill out the warranty registration card
below.
[_] Mr.
First Name:
....................................................
2. Which particular type of aircraft did you
purchase?
[_] F-14 Tomcat
3. Date of purchase (Year/Month/Day):
......./......./......
4. Serial Number:...........................................
5. Please indicate where this product was
purchased:
[_] Received as gift / aid package
Answering the following survey questions is not required, but
the information will help us to develop new products that best
meet your requirements and desires.
6. Please indicate how you became aware of the McDonnell Douglas
product you have just purchased:
[_] Heard loud noise, looked up
7. Please indicate the three (3) factors that
most influenced your
decision to purchase this McDonnell Douglas product:
[_] Style / appearance
8. Please indicate the location(s) where this
product will be used:
[_] North America
9. Please indicate the products that you currently own or intend
to purchase in the near future:
[_] DV Camcorder
10. How would you describe yourself or your organization?
(Indicate all that apply:)
[_] Imperialist
11. How did you pay for your McDonnell Douglas product?
[_] Deficit spending
12. Your occupation? :
[_] Homemaker
13. To help us better understand our customers, please indicate
the interests and activities in which you and your spouse enjoy
participating on a regular basis:
[_] Golf
Thank you for taking the time to fill out this
questionnaire. Your
answers will be used in market studies that will
help McDonnell Douglas
serve you better in the future - as well as
allowing you to receive
mailings and special offers from other companies,
governments, extremist
groups, and mysterious consortia.
As a bonus for responding to this
survey, your name will be registered in a draw to
win a brand new F-22A
Advanced Tactical Fighter in our Desert Thunder
sweepstakes!
This state-of-the-art weapons system comes fully
equipped with 32 armed AIM-120 Advanced Medium
Range Air-to-Air Missiles !!!
Comments or suggestions about our military
aircraft? Please write to:
McDONNELL DOUGLAS CORPORATION
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Issues & Alibis Vol 1 # 13 © 6/8/2001
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