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©2001 chadsux
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In This Edition We spotlight the cartoons of Mike Thompson with additional cartoons from Chris Whitehouse, GWBush Art, Rex Babin, Larry M, Political Strikes and Chadsux. Kerry Laverman visits with the Freepers in, "They're Here, They're Mad, Get Used To It." Joe Conason questions the media in, "Media Silence Greets Rove's Shady Meeting." Greg Palast sends out an, "Alert: British Paper Faces Suit Over Palast Investigation." Guy Gugliotta gets blown away by, "Bush Administration Resurrets Nuclear Boondoggle." Carl Ingram reports that, "California Democrats Finally Get Tough With Energy Thugs." Tim Nickens says, "Racial Issues Keep Dogging Republicans." Dan Balz reports on, "Bush The Divider Not The Uniter." Juliet Eilperin says, "DeLay Says GOP House Will Goose Step On!" Micheal Moore wins the "Vidkun Quisling Award." Molly Ivins says, "Bush Keeps Protecting His Friends In Business." Tally Briggs is back and she's beautiful and she's talking about, "Reproductive Shame." And finally in "Parting Shots" Hank Blakely shares another letter from Dubya concerning his 'European Vacation' in, "Think Globally, Act Loco" part 1 but first Uncle Ernie says, "In The Future There Will Be Roller Ball!" Plus we have all of your favorite departments! Welcome one and all to "Uncle Ernie's Issues & Alibis." We hope you enjoy your stay! |

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The movie was a hit with the moviegoers but the critics hated it, mostly for the picture it painted of the corporations. I mean really, who could believe such nonsense? The public could and did. All you had to do was look around and what would you see? Gerald Ford, who was never elected to the office but appointed to the White House, made President by the man he would quickly pardon of all crimes of treason. The same Gerald Ford that 11 years before helped create that particular nasty piece of science fiction called, "The Warren Report." Having a Déjà vu by now are you dear reader? And what a truly scary movie. No Frankenstein’s monster or alien popping up through your chest, no it’s far scarier than that. They were just the Real Monsters that were already amongst us, killing and maiming thousands every day. From the time of Abraham Lincoln who was the first to warn us to Dwight David Eisenhower one of the truly evil men of the 20th century who seemed to come to his senses when even he had to speak out against the corporations. Of course by the time Ike spoke up it was all but too late already. Ask JFK how he feels about the Military Industrial Complex/Corporations, Duh that’s right you can’t because they murdered him.
Then came a brief respite with Jimi Carter, which threw off the timetable to give the reigns of power totally to the corporations. With a phony third party to split the liberal vote Ronnie Ray-Guns took command in 1981 and the corporate control was almost complete. (Having a Deja-vu are you about the Greens and Darth Nader in the last election?) America bought the vision of the loveable Lunkhead that the B actor Ray-Guns portrayed perhaps best. The real Ray-Guns was in Ronnie’s last movie (a movie that was removed from TV and everywhere else because it showed too much of the true Ray-Guns) "The Killers!" Unfortunately the people that pulled his strings had no problem controlling their puppet after the Dementia set in after the assassination attempt. And as VP Poppa Smirk lurked over in the corner licking his chops and waiting for his moment his corporate pals took over all American television networks and most major newspapers chains. When congress passed the Ray-Guns inspired bill to repeal the fairness doctrine that was a part of the television code all true perspective was lost and we only got the corporate spin. Or worse yet, some news is never reported. The truth was effectively dead. Then George Bush and Dick Cheney declared war over their oil and family fortune investments in the Middle East. Remember Bush/Walker got their money in WWI (becoming proto-types for Little Orphan Annie’s Daddy Warbucks) making so much money that they were soon spending it around this new German kid and his fledgling party those loveable National Socialists! There was the German steel industry to rebuild and the Arms business to refinance.
Then just as they were tightening the noose along came Bill Clinton who once again frustrated their plans, well with the exception of trade bills that were so far to the right of sanity that Poppa Smirk couldn’t get them passed even with the backing of all the corporations. Bill got NAFTA passed and corporations breathed a sigh of relief. Still he wasn’t the rubber stamp that they needed and they were ever so close to having it all. So they spent the next eight years trying to get rid of him and he frustrated them at every turn. As soon as he won again in ’96 they spent the next 4 years trying to destroy his reputation and thereby place all this righteous shame on the Democrats in general. The Democrats of course went out of their way to loose by selecting Al Gore. This caused a lot of people to say what’s the difference and then not vote. (I think we should do like they do in Australia. You will vote in Australia, if you forget the police come and take you to the polls. However they do have the brilliant option of, "None of the Above." In which if that gets a majority we have another election with different candidates!) Still even when constantly shooting himself in the foot Al Gore managed to win the election and that my friends was the last straw, the straw that broke the corporate camels back. All bets were off and the corporate goons on the Extreme Court heard their masters call and ruled illegally in their masters favor, well Duh! And now as the old Republic fades and the bright shinny new Empire rears it’s ugly head you'll soon be able to look forward to the games. As for me I’m betting all my credits on the Rollerball team from Houston! |

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They're Here, They're Mad, Get Used To It Lured by dreams of hobnobbing with their Florida recount heroes, Free Republic faithful have to make do with one another. By Kerry Lauerman SEABROOK, S.C. -- I make it to the Free Republic conference Saturday just in time for the "Round Table Discussion on Media Bias," held in a conference room that, despite its panoramic view of the Atlantic Ocean, is a little dark and dank, the air stale from a good number of cigarettes. When I'm introduced to the group of about 25 members sitting at the tables, organized in a square, I'm mostly met with glares, some steely, others surprised. It's not just that Freepers hate Salon. (But, boy, do they hate Salon.) They also hate, with the exception of Fox News, the rest of the media. "Feminized men and airhead women," clucks Janice Matchett, a retired widow from Florida. The room suddenly seems a little darker. I'm instructed by someone to turn to Page 15 in a handy, pocket-size version of the Declaration of Independence (provided by the libertarian Cato Institute) to peruse the list of signatories. "See, even a Clymer signed it," she says, and the group breaks into laughter. The signer was a George Clymer; the reference, of course, was to venerable New York Times reporter Adam Clymer, slurred by George W. Bush last summer as a "major league asshole." Now Clymer has become shorthand on the Free Republic site (which has rules against profanity) for "asshole" and "journalist," since to Freepers they're synonymous. A very large man sitting next to me launches into a tangent on how the media is generally biased because reporters are generally dumb. Journalism schools, he points out, are where all the kids who couldn't make it in business school go. "They're just not very smart," he says angrily. I didn't expect to be the only media person at this, the second annual Southeastern Rally, thrown by the South Carolina chapter of the Free Republic Network, the nascent organizing group that has spun off from no-holds-barred conservative Web site FreeRepublic.com. Expectations were high. Last year was a high-profile success, thanks to Linda Tripp's first post-impeachment hearing appearance, but this weekend's gathering seemed ready to top it: Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris and Circuit Judge Sanders Sauls, who stopped the Florida recount requested by Vice President Al Gore before it was temporarily jump-started again by the Florida Supreme Court, planned to attend the convention banquet to receive awards. Or so they thought. Harris waffled last week, then blamed "scheduling conflicts" before pulling out. Sauls pulled out at the last moment, after getting a shellacking from Florida newspapers for considering appearing at such a partisan event. The cancellations were due to "outside influence," Julie Nicholson, the event organizer and South Carolina chapter head, said gloomily. Both may have decided that Freepers were a little hot even for their firebrand images. Freepers are angry -- boy are they mad -- and they don't just like to argue online, they like to get in people's faces. This is the only annual gathering for the Freeps (as they call themselves) and, aside from the hundreds of protests they throw every year, the only chance to meet one another. The people who traveled and paid about $220 a night to attend this conference at the plush, gated island of Seabrook, south of Charleston, S.C., are true believers. Many of them regularly attend the protests organized in the site's chat rooms. Jo-Ann Melhuish, a friendly older woman from New Jersey, says she frequently drove down to D.C. last year to pull shifts with other Freepers in front of the White House in a daily protest the group kept alive throughout the Clinton years. Melhuish mentions, with clear pride, having once met Juanita Broaddrick at a Freeper event in Arkansas. It's a group of conservatives who have largely self-organized online, fulfilling one of the great promises of the Internet, and there's a comfort level among them, though some are meeting for the first time, purely because they identify one another as political comrades. Journalists constantly use their forums as quasi-focus groups, and often look to them for outrageous postings; a UPI story last month found one poster who sympathized with Timothy McVeigh, and another who called him a "modern-day Paul Revere." The group has also expressed a level of vitriol toward Democrats, particularly the Clintons (including occasional death threats), that has normally reasonable voices on the left wishing they could shut the group up. Legal scholar Cass Sunstein uses the Free Republic as an example of what his new book, "Republic.com," describes as "group polarization," where people segregate themselves so effectively online with other like-minded thinkers that they create an echo chamber where the group's worst and most malevolent opinions get reinforced and strengthened. "We might want to consider," Sunstein startlingly told the Times recently, "the possibility of ways of requiring or encouraging sites to link to opposing viewpoints." So who are these hyperidentified Freepers, and are they dangerous? Only about 50 people are at the conference, and a majority of them appear to be over age 50, with an impressive contingent of seniors as well. But there is also Elizabeth Cornette, 25, a grad student at the University of Kentucky, who says she's a daily Free Republic chatter. She says she identified herself as a conservative in 1981 (which would put her at around age 5), when Ronald Reagan was shot. "I was sitting on a brown velour couch, wearing black watch, plaid walking shorts and navy blue kneesocks," she says. "I can remember it clearly. He was my hero." But for a pretty blond "Bushie" in her 20s, she says, being conservative can be lonely. "It's so hip to be liberal." For her, Free Republic is a refuge. Members of the group resent the way they've sometimes been ridiculed and caricatured by the media -- "like a bunch of sinister crazy people," says Gloria Laird, a senior citizen from Florida. While most of them, like Laird, appear to be nice, funny, friendly people, they do make it easy to poke fun. Without Florida's Harris or Sauls, the best event organizer Nicholson could do for a political heavyweight was South Carolina's secretary of state, a silver-maned, silver-tongued gubernatorial hopeful named Jim Miles, who addressed the faux-lei-bedecked audience at a Polynesian-theme banquet. Miles, however, didn't have time to do anything but give what had to be his foolproof Rotary cheerleading speech. He talked up the state's natural resources ("We have the world's No. 1 striper fish lake!"), its people ("We've got the strongest faith-based community in America!"), their hearts ("Per capita, [we have] the fifth-most generous people in America!), even the interstate highways ("We've got five interstate highways!). For the most part, Miles caused banquet attendees to light up their cigarettes and stare lazily at the bird of paradise centerpieces. That set the stage for Van Jenerette, a political science professor from Southeastern Community College who has a combover that must be seen to be believed, streaking from the corner of his scalp behind his left ear, diagonally across the top of his head in a mass of thick white strips, to just above his right temple. Jenerette knew his listeners, and he gave them what they wanted. Part thundering preacher, part nerdy professor, he emphasized the need not to "prostitute our rights" to a government greedy for control over individuals, warning that it is "up to man to define man, and the rights of man are defined by man. Free men on this earth who leave it only to man's opinion will become an endangered species. And most free men in this world today are endangered." He repeatedly cautioned the audience to follow its "moral mandate" to keep American society free. The crowd gave him a standing ovation. Then the banquet seemed ready to dwindle to a close when Nicholson paid tribute to various attendees, ultimately singling out Bob Johnson, from Los Angeles, for spearheading the Free Republic Network. As her praise reached its climax and the evening reached its conclusion, she unfurled his gift: a Confederate flag. Another standing ovation. Afterward, as the part of the party moved to an adjacent bar, and Matchett and Gloria Laird danced to Ricky Martin tunes, Johnson spoke of his plans for the Free Republic Network, which he sees as a "support service" for conservative activists. The network already has 60 chapters, affiliated by state or special-interest group. The network will soon be incorporated and Johnson will be named its president, for as long as it takes to successfully apply as a nonprofit. Says Robinson, "It's all volunteer here, except for Jim" (referring to Jim Robinson, the founder of Free Republic, who recently took a salary with the company -- which gets all its money from donations to drives such as the current NPR-style Freepathon). Johnson has reason to believe his network could tap into a larger group of disenfranchised. Various new groups have already sprung out of the Free Republic's forums, including the anti-handgun control Second Amendment Sisters, who challenged the Million Mom March for media attention (if not sheer numbers) last year, and Arizona's "Recall John McCain" campaign, organized by a Freeper named Marcia Regan who is busily gathering signatures, and a fair share of press, in an effort to recall the Republican senator and Bush antagonist for not adequately representing the conservatives who voted for him. It's a next-to-impossible task (more than 300,000 signatures are needed, and McCain still wouldn't be legally required to step down), but as a P.R. move it makes sense. And there were, according to Johnson, 700 rallies in 250 cities last fall protesting the Gore campaign's Florida recount efforts. Those rallies, Johnson contends, were organized by Free Republic, though plenty of party operatives were quick to take credit. "There were some who were literally going to the Bush campaign saying they did it. Bullshit, we did it." If the success of Fox News rode on the back of the growing sense during the presidential campaign that the media was largely anti-conservative -- which intensified dramatically during the Florida recount -- Free Republic is riding the same red-state boom. The question -- as it is with Fox -- is whether Free Republic will be able to sustain its radical underdog appeal when a Republican is president. Free Republic now has 70,000 registered users, according to Johnson, and he insists it would have more if it didn't purge its rolls every six months to save maintenance on its servers. "I think there's probably more like 200,000," he says. But he admits that the numbers swelled during campaign 2000. Does Johnson think there might be an ebb now that their guy is in office, and Fox is challenging CNN for cable news domination?
"No, people will always be angry," he says. "There's no shortage of things that
people will get angry about." |

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But then the big American company that wants the deal to go through
wangles a private meeting for its executives with the President's chief
political adviser. They explain their plight to the adviser, whose
assistance one of them later describes as "quite useful."
Despite continuing opposition from the Defense Department, the White House
soon approves the merger. The high-tech corporation's stock shoots up as a result.
Within a few weeks, the Associated Press reports that the President's
political adviser still owned between $100,000 and $250,000 worth of the
high-tech firm's stock at the time he met with its executives to discuss
the merger. Questions are raised as to whether the adviser, one of the
most powerful officials in the administration, has blatantly violated
the Ethics in Government Act.
Apprised of this embarrassing news, the President insists that his
confidence in his political adviser "has never been higher." His press
secretary brusquely dismisses a proposed Congressional investigation of
the incident. "I think the American people are tired of these open-ended
investigations and fishing expeditions .. The White House does not
believe that would serve the public well."
Those remarks sound as if they'd been made sometime during the Clinton
years, but they are, of course, the words of Bush spokesman Ari
Fleischer. He and his boss were speaking in defense of Karl Rove, whose
meeting with Intel executives seeking approval of a controversial merger
has caused all of them some mild shame lately.
It isn't hard to imagine the thermonuclear blast of outrage that would
have consumed George Stephanopoulos or John Podesta if they had ever
done what Karl Rove admittedly did. In fact, it isn't hard to imagine
the entire scenario as the replay of a Clinton-era scandal, except that
in this case there might be substance behind the suspicions.
And there is another obvious difference as well: Had a Clinton adviser
conducted himself with so little attention to ethics statutes, the Congressional
investigation would already be under way, encouraged by righteous editorials
and ceaseless ranting on talk radio and cable television. But then we all know
that the Clinton-era rules don't apply to the people who promised to return
"honor and integrity" to the White House.
Conservatives in Congress were worried about the national-security
implications of the merger between Silicon Valley Group, an important
Intel supplier that produces optics for spy satellites, and ASM Lithography,
a Dutch company. According to a report in the Washington Times on April 25,
they viewed the White House response as a test of the President's "campaign
promise to tighten the spigot on American weapons-related technology flowing
overseas." The right-wing daily quoted a senior Republican staffer as saying,
"We will learn a lot about this administration from this decision."
How prophetic that anonymous staffer was. Not only did we learn a lot
about the Bush White House, but we have also learned something about
Congressional conservatives, who have remained silent ever since Mr. Rove's
ties to Intel were exposed. Apparently there's no reason to worry about national
security and export controls when a big-time Republican is getting richer.
Likewise, the leading pundits and editorial sages who scorched
Clintonian ethical breaches haven't been able to fire themselves up
about Mr. Rove and Intel. While The Washington Post, for example, chided
the Bush adviser for failing to divest his stock in a timely manner, its
editorial warned against any Congressional investigation sponsored by
Democrats. The Post editors noticed that the Intel case is only one among
several instances when Bush officials have evidently breached ethical standards.
Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, who thinks Social Security and Medicare
should be abolished, made millions by holding onto his Alcoa stock in defiance
of those standards. Mr. Rove and others held Enron Corporation stock while
they consulted the energy giant's executives on national policy.
But The Post sees no need for anything more than self-policing here.
"Having rightly announced high standards," the paper pleaded, "these
folks should just live up to them."
Unfortunately, Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle agrees. He has
promised not to do anything that resembles "payback" for the Republican
investigative abuses of recent years. He evidently hopes this
milquetoast approach will herald a new golden age of bipartisanship.
That kind of whimsical pap must make Mr. Daschle's adversaries laugh.
They think he is telling them that they can get away with anything, and
they will surely take him at his word. |

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Alert: British Paper Faces Suit Over Palast Investigation By Greg Palast In retaliation for the investigative story about the finances of the George W. Bush campaign, Barrick Gold Mining of Canada has sued my paper, the Observer of London, for libel. The company, which hired the elder Bush after his leaving the White House, is charging the newspaper with libel for quoting an Amnesty International report, which alleged that 50 miners might have been buried alive in Tanzania by a company now owned by Barrick. The company has also demanded the Observer and its parent, Guardian Newspapers, force me to remove the article from my US website, a frightening extension of Britain’s punitive libel laws into the World Wide Web. The company has also issued legal threats against Tanzanian human rights lawyer Tundu Lissu, one of the Observer’s independent sources and an investigator of the mine-site allegations. The attack by Barrick and its controversial Chairman, Peter Munk, one of the wealthiest men in Canada, who boasts of his propensity to sue, also aims to gag my reporting on his company’s purchase of rights to a gold mine in Nevada - containing $10 billion in gold - for a payment of under $10,000 to the US Treasury. My Observer story, Best Democracy Money Can Buy, looked into the activities of several corporations linked to the Bushes. It was in that article I first disclosed that over 50,000 Florida voters, most of them Black, were wrongly tagged as ‘felons,’ and targeted for removal from the voter rolls. My follow-up reports in Salon.com, The Nation, and the Washington Post as well as on BBC-TV’s Newsnight provided the basis for the US Civil Rights Commission finding of massive, wrongful voter disenfranchisement in Florida. My entire continuing investigation is in jeopardy. It is difficult to imagine how my paper, owned by the non-profit Scott Trust, myself and human rights lawyer Lissu can withstand the financial punishment of litigation by the centi-millionaire Munk and his corporation. In its latest Annual report, Amnesty says it cannot verify the allegations of the mine killings because the government continues to resist an independent investigation. Yet Barrick wants our paper to state what we know to be untrue: that independent investigation found the charges completely baseless. Yet our quoting Amnesty is no defense. Americans cannot conceive of the medieval operation of British libel law. It does not permit the defense of "repetition" - straightforward reporting on the statements of human rights groups are banned, a gag nearly as effective as Burmese law. Independently of Amnesty, attorney Lissu went to the mine site and provided our paper with witness statements. Tanzanians have offered their services to help defend against censorship in Britain, a poignant reversal for our paper which, with imperial pomp, has launched a ‘Press Freedom Campaign’ to excoriate developing nations over gagging journalists. ‘10 Little Piggies,’ Adnan Khashoggi, and The Greatest Gold Heist Since Butch Cassidy Peter Munk’s reputation precedes him. Last year, Mother Jones named him one of America’s ‘Ten Little Piggies’ for his US gold mine’s literally ‘poisoning the water’ through what environmentalists consider polluting extraction practices. How Barrick got the gold mine is something they would rather we not report. First, Munk was set up in the gold business by funds from Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi. We are being sued for discussing this connection although the information comes from Peter Munk himself, quoted in his biography. Second, Barrick struck it rich when the company used (or misused, say many) an old Gold Rush law to claim rights on a Nevada mine containing $10 billion in gold by paying the US Treasury less than $10,000. They are suing my paper for publicizing this extraordinary transaction, which US Interior Secretary of the Interior Bruce Babbitt called, "the biggest gold heist since the days of Butch Cassidy," and "a form of legalized extortion." Barrick’s suit claims the Observer libeled them by failing to state that Barrick had to spend money to buy other rights and equipment to dig the gold out of the ground. What an odd misreading of our words. We never said the US government mailed the gold bars to Barrick in Canada. We only said that Barrick got the gold mine and the public got the shaft. The company’s CEO has also demanded his lawyers slice a pound of our journalistic flesh for mentioning that he, "made his name in Canada in the 1960s as the figure in an infamous insider stock-trading scandal." Yet, we read this in the Canadian magazine Macleans: "The failure of [Clairetone Corporation] cost Munk his business and his reputation. Most damning were allegations of insider trading that were made after it was discovered that he and [his partner] had sold shares in 1967 just before some of Clairetone’s most serious problems became known." Lynching by Libel Law The clear purpose of the suit is, as Barrick says, to force the Observer to say the investigation "should never have been published" – an inquiry into those who purchase the favor and influence of the Bush family, not just Barrick. The article was about the blizzard of money whirling around a family of Presidents and their associations. Among other paid favors for Barrick, the former President wrote the dictator Suharto to convince him, successfully, to grant another gold concession to Barrick. And more than Barrick came into our investigative cross hairs. There was Chevron Corporation, and ChoicePoint, the firm at the center of the racially charged voter purge in Florida. This suit with malicious tone attempts to besmirch our entire investigation and to undermine ours and others further investigations into Bush and Barrick. The Observer’s official history quotes a media critic’s statement that the papers new editor, "... is expected to continue the paper’s tradition of crusading reporting as in the Lobbygate investigate investigation." In that ‘Lobbygate’ story, well known in the UK, I went undercover with my partner Antony Barnett to expose corruption at the heart of the Blair cabinet. But the wrath of a Prime Minister is easy to dismiss - and our awards were a pleasant salve. The withering, costly pounding of an enraged corporate power with too much money to spend has chilled reporters’ and British newspapers’ will to take on the tougher investigative matters. Amnesty is, "silent on the advice of lawyers." And so, the witness statements of those who watched the bodies exhumed, and one who dug his way from the mass grave, will now also remain entombed in legal silence.
How much longer I can hold the line if abandoned by the Guardian’s
Scott Trust - which is cracking under the weight of legal bills - I cannot
say. And the consequences of capitulation to our source and defender,
Tundu Lissu and his Tanzanian human rights organization, we cannot
imagine. |

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This statement has set off alarm bells among those concerned about nuclear proliferation. That's because reprocessing
reactor waste can create plutonium, the raw material for nuclear weapons.
"We're not sure what mischief the new administration is up to here, and who's pushing it," said Paul Levanthal, president of
the anti-reprocessing Nuclear Control Institute. "Whatever the U.S. does on something like this really resonates throughout
the rest of the world."
If the United States embraces the reprocessing of nuclear waste -- something it has refused to do for the last 24 years -- it
could lead to the proliferation of technologies that produce plutonium, and boost the amount of plutonium available around the
world. That, critics say, could make it much more likely that weapons-grade plutonium could fall into the hands of terrorists or
rogue nations.
Administration officials argue that they are sensitive to concerns about nuclear weapons proliferation, and have no immediate
plans to change long-standing U.S. policies. Their intentions, they say, are merely to solve the problem of nuclear waste,
which is accumulating across the country.
The energy plan said that the administration "will continue to discourage the accumulation of separated plutonium worldwide,"
and administration sources said that meant the United States would maintain a national moratorium on traditional
reprocessing, which extracts plutonium from spent fuel.
But at the same time, the plan encouraged research into another kind of reprocessing, which makes fuel that must be burned
in "fast reactors" potentially capable of creating, or "breeding," more plutonium than they use. That's what has critics most
concerned.
"It sets off a lot of alarm bells," said David Albright, president of the Institute for Science and International Security, a
Washington think tank specializing in strategies to halt the spread of nuclear weapons.
"The very strange thing is that the question seems to have been opened very casually by the Cheney plan," added Arjun
Makhijani, president of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, another reprocessing opponent. "The true
consequences of this have to be debated, even if you like nuclear power."
An administration source, who asked not to be quoted by name, said, "Not too much should be drawn from this," because the
Cheney report "in and of itself is not a change in policy.
"We did not say we wanted to proceed with construction of this [fast] reactor," the source continued. "We want this research
to go forward, but that's a far cry from saying it will reach fruition. It would be a long way away."
No government agency or business has ever recycled nuclear waste for commercial use on U.S. soil, a policy begun when
President Jimmy Carter renounced reprocessing and plutonium breeder research in a secret 1977 executive order.
The order, Presidential Directive 8, was declassified in 1994 and survives today as President Bill Clinton's Presidential
Decision Directive 13. For reprocessing research to resume, the directive would have to be either rescinded or reinterpreted.
The Bush administration has not yet decided how to proceed.
Currently only France, the United Kingdom and Russia reprocess spent fuel, and only France, Belgium, Switzerland and
Germany burn the resulting finished plutonium oxide in nuclear plants.
The limited market is due in part to proliferation concerns. Germany, whose coalition government includes the Greens party,
formally agreed early this month to phase out nuclear power altogether, and reprocessing has only limited public support in
several other nations.
But the main reason is expense.
Makhijani estimated that France, the world leader in recycling, could produce a kilogram (2.2 pounds) of recycled fuel for
about $6,000, while a kilo of enriched uranium fuel like that used in U.S. reactors costs about $1,200.
The chief consequence of reprocessing's poor economics is that over the years the world has accumulated about 210 tons of
commercial -- and weapons-usable -- plutonium that does not have a market.
"You can't give it away," said Thomas Cochran, who heads the nuclear program at the Natural Resources Defense Council, a
reprocessing opponent. "And if that's the case, how economic is it to reprocess?"
In traditional reprocessing, spent fuel is dissolved in acid, separating the uranium, plutonium and other fission products. The
uranium can be re-enriched and recycled. The fission products are encased in glass and stored. The plutonium is recombined
with uranium 238, made into rods and put into reactors. The fuel is called "mixed oxide," or "mox," and essentially substitutes
plutonium 239 for the fissile uranium 235 in first-generation fuel.
Clinton's Presidential Decision Directive 13 continues the 24-year moratorium on a domestic mox reprocessing cycle because
of the proliferation risks associated with isolating plutonium 239. Administration sources said the Cheney plan endorses this
view.
Independently of the energy plan, however, the Bush administration intends to move forward on a Clinton initiative to enlist
Russia in a joint program to each convert 34 tons of surplus plutonium from nuclear weapons into mox.
If the deal is closed, the United States would make its mox at an Energy Department facility in South Carolina, and Duke
Power, a commercial utility, would burn it in two reactors in the Charlotte, N.C., area. The Energy Department will reimburse
Duke for plant modifications and sell them mox at a subsidized price below what Duke would have to pay for enriched uranium
fuel.
Although "this program is not intended to create a plutonium economy," an Energy Department official said, it remains
somewhat controversial because it requires the United States and its allies to build Russia its first mox plant, and puts
Russia in the plutonium recycling business.
"The mox plant is the very first piece of infrastructure that both U.S. and Russia are missing for a plutonium economy,"
Makhijani said. "It is a pretty big camel's nose issue."
Still, burning weapons-grade plutonium is a policy with many advocates: "What is the philosophical question here?" asked
James Lake, immediate past president of the American Nuclear Society, which supports reprocessing research. "My feeling is
that burning up weapons is a good thing to do for world peace."
The search for a proliferation-resistant alternative to mox has led several nations to consider a recycling technique called
"pyroprocessing," mentioned favorably in the Cheney plan as a way to "reduce waste streams and enhance proliferation
resistance."
In pyroprocessing, spent fuel is recovered as a metal, dissolved in a metallic salt and passed through an electric current.
Lightweight fission products remain in solution, while the uranium goes to one electrode and plutonium and heavy metal
byproducts go to another, where they are formed subsequently into fuel rods.
Because the plutonium is never isolated, it is always radioactive, dangerous and "less and less attractive" to thieves, Lake
said. "In theory, you can recycle tens of times, so that the technology becomes almost renewable."
But for pyroprocessing to work even once, utilities would have to abandon today's nuclear plants in favor of "fast" reactors
that allow neutrons to move about freely in the core. Fast neutrons are the best way to maintain a chain reaction among
impure plutonium fuel rods.
The trouble with fast reactors, however, is that when the core is surrounded with a blanket of uranium 238, the neutrons will
combine with it to create more plutonium 239 than the reactor is using. For a rogue state, a fast breeder of this type can
become a virtual plutonium factory.
Advocates point out, however, that even if the Bush administration embraces the technology, it will take decades to mature,
allowing plenty of time to work out the kinks. "What we do is store [spent] fuel for 20 to 30 years while we develop an entirely
different infrastructure to use the technology," Lake said. The Supreme Court has ruled that Johnny Penry, a retarded man on Texas
death row, should get a new sentencing trial. The Court says, when in doubt,
they tend to rule in favor of the mentally debilitated. You know, like they did
in the election."
|

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California Democrats Finally Get Tough With Energy Thugs By Carl Ingram SACRAMENTO--Angered by the refusal of electricity wholesalers to surrender information about suspected price gouging, a Senate committee voted Thursday to hold two big energy companies in contempt of the Legislature. It was uncertain what punishment, if any, may be in store for Enron Corp. of Houston and Mirant Corp. of Atlanta. But committee members said potential sanctions could include heavy fines and/or the jailing of corporate executives. "Jailing of an individual is an option and we intend to preserve all our options," warned state Sen. Joe Dunn (D-Santa Ana), chairman of the committee investigating whether the wholesalers had manipulated the market. "Could we impose, say, $9 billion in fines?" Sen. Debra Bowen (D-Marina del Rey) asked rhetorically. Enron reacted angrily. "This is a shakedown," charged spokesman Mark Palmer. "And if this is a shakedown, we're going to protect our legal rights." Enron had further enraged the committee by sending a letter saying the legislative panel had no authority to conduct its investigation because wholesale prices were the "exclusive jurisdiction" of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. A spokesman for Mirant said the company intends to keep talking to the committee to reach an agreement. The bipartisan committee had been prepared to find eight generators--mostly out-of-state companies--in contempt for refusing to produce the subpoenaed records. But by the end of the four-hour hearing, companies that said they would cooperate--AES, Duke, Dynergy, NRG, Reliant and Williams--escaped a citation, at least temporarily. Though the committee found Enron and Mirant in contempt, its action is subject to ratification by the full Senate. Dunn said contempt citations are so rare there are few guidelines to follow in determining a punishment. He said it "could be anything that the Senate believes is necessary and reasonable." The finding of contempt for failure to obey a legislative subpoena is rarely used in California. Sources said it last was done in 1929 when an officer of a cement company refused to cooperate in a price-fixing investigation. Late in 2000 and earlier this year, the profits of major electricity wholesalers soared astronomically, throwing the state's two biggest utilities, Pacific Gas and Electric Co. and Southern California Edison Co., into financial chaos. Edison is teetering on bankruptcy and PG&E is in Bankruptcy Court. The committee, which first asked the companies to provide the information voluntarily in April, encountered strong resistance from the energy companies. They complained that their trade secrets might be exposed to competitors, the public and government regulators. Frustrated, the committee two weeks ago issued subpoenas demanding the information, including whether the power sellers had destroyed any records. The committee set Thursday as the deadline for compliance and threatened to find violators in contempt, a tactic that appeared to turn around all but Enron and Mirant. "Let's move forward. We want to facilitate your investigation," said Duke attorney Joel Kleinman of Washington, whose company had objected to its subpoena. At the last minute, several sellers began sending urgent fax letters or witnesses to Dunn. Dunn said a quick scan of the letters showed wholesalers were pleading for a second chance and assuring that the subpoenaed data would be forthcoming. Kleinman told the committee Duke did not want to be held in contempt. "We will make tens of thousands of documents available for inspection," Kleinman said. But he said Duke and the committee staff still must settle on a confidentiality agreement, a matter he indicated was close to resolution. Other wholesalers appeared to fall into line. Dunn said he was concerned that "minor problems" in reaching a confidentiality agreement might become a tactic for further delay. The committee gave the six companies until July 10 to reach confidentiality agreements and turn over a vast assortment of records. The contempt finding against Mirant and Enron would be abandoned if they, too, provided the confidential documents by July 10, when the committee will review the companies' compliance.
The wholesalers also are the targets of similar investigations by Atty. Gen. Bill Lockyer and the state Public Utilities
Commission. |

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Racial Issues Keep Dogging Republicans
Gov. Jeb Bush remains a frequent target of
criticism as the 2002 gubernatorial election
approaches. Gov. Jeb Bush and other Florida Republicans, their modest inroads among black voters washed away, are on the defensive as they struggle to limit the damage before the 2002 elections. Democrats are pounding away at Bush's overhaul of affirmative action and the presidential election recount last year that left thousands of black voters convinced that their ballots for Al Gore were improperly discarded. Both issues were highlighted at last weekend's Democratic Party fundraising dinner in Miami Beach, an unsubtle effort to encourage blacks to return to the polls in record numbers next year and vote against Bush. But while the attacks by Florida Democrats are unusually well-choreographed, frustrated Republicans are uncharacteristically unfocused in their response. The governor and his supporters vigorously defended his record on racial issues even as he missed opportunities last week to appoint more blacks to state boards. Many Republicans also expect Bush to continue to reach out to black voters as he campaigns for re-election. Yet they are starting to question the integrity of blacks and other Democrats who criticize the governor, acknowledging they have little to lose by such a confrontational strategy. In the last week: The Bush administration calculated that 20 percent of the governor's 139 appointees to the new boards of trustees for 11 universities and the state Board of Education are black. The percentage drops to 15 percent without the nine black trustees for historically black Florida A&M University. That percentage mirrors the percentage of black residents in Florida. But there is just one black trustee on each of the boards of four growing universities in urban areas with a significant number of black residents: the University of South Florida, the University of Central Florida, Florida Atlantic University and Florida International University. Bush appoints 12 of the trustees on each board. "It hurts," Ann Porter, a USF graduate and former president of the Tampa chapter of the NAACP, told a St. Petersburg Times reporter this week. But Watson Haynes, a black Pinellas County Republican, said it is impossible to evaluate Bush's appointments without knowing the race of all of the applicants. "For me to state that the governor is insensitive, I can't do that," Haynes said. In Washington, Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris and U.S. Rep. Mark Foley, R-West Palm Beach, stepped up criticism of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission's majority report. The report found that Harris and Bush were "grossly derelict" in their election duties and estimated that black voters were nine times more likely to have their votes rejected than white voters. Harris and Foley defended Bush and contended the findings of the commission's Democratic majority were biased. "We're tired of taking it in the gut," Foley said in an interview. "We don't want them to run off as Jesse Jackson did and others and allege these kinds of heinous activities." In the June 25 edition of the conservative Weekly Standard, Florida Republican Party Chairman Al Cardenas said Republicans should "question the credibility" of African-American activists and Democrats who are criticizing Bush. "For years, Republican consultants said, "Oh, let's not get into a confrontation with African-American leaders because that will just lead to more confrontation and mistrust," Cardenas said in the Weekly Standard. "Now, as 2000 shows, there's really nothing to lose by confronting them." Cardenas said in an interview with the Times this week that he was misquoted. Stephen F. Hayes, a Weekly Standard staff writer who wrote the article, said the Cardenas quotes are accurate. "He said them," Hayes said, "and he was emphatic about them." In an interview with the Times, Cardenas said he thinks Republicans did not get their message across to black voters last year. He pledged to respond to both blacks and whites who mislead voters about Bush's record. "We need to challenge those who have misstated our positions on the issues," said Cardenas, who was criticized by Democrats last year for calling a voter registration drive by black legislators a "hate tour." Three years ago, Bush and the state Republican Party went to unprecedented efforts to win over black voters. Bush campaigned heavily in black neighborhoods and won 14 percent of the black vote, twice what he won in a losing effort in 1994. But the political atmosphere in Florida has changed since 1998. Bush has been the target of a sit-in inside the governor's office and a civil rights march on the state Capitol. At last weekend's Democratic fundraiser, a video repeated footage of Bush declaring during the sit-in, "Throw their a---- out." Bush has said he was referring to reporters, not black legislators. Former Florida Republican Party Chairman Tom Slade and other Republicans say Bush has no chance next year of matching the number of black votes he won in his last election. Meanwhile, Democrats are determined to capitalize on the lingering anger in the black community over the demise of affirmative action and the presidential recount. Cardenas and other Florida Republicans said there is no coordinated strategy to write off black voters, who overwhelmingly vote Democratic, or to attack Bush's critics. Bush's supporters, both Republicans and Democrats, defend the governor's appointments to the university boards of trustees. They said Bush has been unfairly criticized for replacing affirmative action with his One Florida initiative in university admissions and public contracting, and for the voting problems uncovered during the presidential recount. "I don't think there is a bad bone in the guy's body when it comes to racial issues," said Steve Uhlfelder, a lawyer and life-long Democrat who supported both Jeb Bush and President Bush and was appointed to the Florida State University board of trustees. But Republicans acknowledge they are frustrated by the unending criticism of Bush and the GOP from black activists ranging from Jackson to U.S. Reps. Carrie Meek of Miami and Alcee Hastings of Miramar. Even as Cardenas distances himself from his published remarks, Slade said it makes sense for Republicans to pointedly respond to African-American critics, whom he suggested are misleading black voters. "You can't lose what you've already lost," he said of Republican support among black voters. "I don't see much risk in it at all." More than nine of 10 black voters backed Al Gore over George W. Bush last year. Anger over the presidential recount is directed at the governor. In February, a Times poll found Jeb Bush had an 8 percent approval rating among black Florida voters. "We need to call into question the African-American leaders and what they're saying," Cardenas told the Weekly Standard. "If we don't do that, (voters are) going to take the Democrats' and the African-American leadership's word for it. The only way we break that cycle is to call into question the credibility of those who are parlaying that message." Cardenas said that quote also is inaccurate. "It's a Republican versus Democrat thing," he told the Times. "It's not taking on the African-American community." Regardless of how it is characterized, Democrats predicted that strategy would not win Republicans any votes in black neighborhoods next year. "It doesn't have a prayer of working," said state Sen. Daryl Jones of Miami, a Democrat who is the only black candidate for governor. "We just try to tell it the way we see it and try to tell the truth." Hastings, one of three blacks in Florida's congressional delegation, said he believes the Republican strategy is more subtle. "They will not get Jeb Bush to come out in direct open war with the black community," he said. Instead, Hastings said, Republicans who blast their Democratic critics are signaling to white male voters that their natural home should be the GOP. "I think the Republicans have very carefully and skillfully nearly marginalized the Democratic Party by suggesting if you are a Democrat, you are an African-American or a Jew or a liberal from South Florida," Hastings said. "That strategy is subtle for some, but it's overt enough to be attractive to the kind of people who are moving to Florida who are looking for their political home. The Democratic Party has a tremendous problem with the white male." State Democratic Party chairman Bob Poe has no intention of holding back on volatile issues such as Bush's minority appointments, his overhaul of affirmative action and the presidential recount as the party tries to portray Bush as insensitive toward black Floridians. "That's his record," Poe said, "and part of his record is that he doesn't listen to people." In such a charged political atmosphere, even the appointment of a new leader for the Florida Highway Patrol raises questions about race. On Friday, a white Republican was promoted to head the agency over another finalist who is a black Democrat and has been with the patrol longer. Lt. Gov. Frank Brogan said there was some discussion over whether it was a missed opportunity to promote a black officer, but he said the best person was selected for the job. Republicans say their only goal is for Bush to get the credit they think he deserves. They say he has appointed a record number of black judges since he took office. They say his One Florida program that replaced affirmative action will result in more black students at state universities this fall, not fewer as critics predicted.
"Everybody," said Bush Communications Director Katie Baur, "is sick and
tired of the half-truths that have been bandied about for the last couple of
months." |

|
Despite passage of the biggest tax cut in two decades and substantial progress on an education reform bill, Bush's approval
ratings have declined over the past 60 days, and the electorate remains as sharply divided as it was at the end of last year's
election.
The drop in public opinion, coupled with the fact that Democrats now control the Senate, has emboldened the president's
Democratic opponents in Congress. And in recent days, many Republicans in the House have abandoned the administration
on key votes involving energy and the environment, as lawmakers weigh their own political fortunes against loyalty to a
president who is bucking public opinion on some critical issues.
Publicly, the president's advisers say the situation represents no cause for concern. Privately, they are said to be studying
the polls carefully and looking for ways to sharpen Bush's image as a "compassionate conservative" in an effort to lure more
independents to his coalition. White House officials anticipate a bipartisan signing ceremony this summer on the education bill
nearing final approval in Congress, and they recently stepped up efforts to win support for his proposal to promote
religious-oriented social service groups.
The administration also has begun planning for a fall offensive that one official said will be aimed at "carving out a different
kind of orthodoxy for the party." The effort, led by senior adviser Karl Rove, is still in the formative stages, but administration
officials hope to assemble a list of proposals that will showcase the president as more than an advocate of big tax cuts and
a friend of corporate interests.
One official said Rove is working with White House policy advisers to pick issues to highlight. Possible candidates include
cultural or values issues, particularly those related to parents, adoption initiatives, new mentoring programs and possibly
additional education proposals.
In the longer term, Bush remains committed to an ambitious agenda that includes national missile defense and overhauling
Medicare and Social Security. But his failure to break through the partisan polarization within the electorate and secure
stronger support among political independents could weaken his hand in those battles.
Bush pulled off a political makeover last year after his bruising primary challenge from Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.),
aggressively moving to the center before the Republican National Convention. But Democrats and some independent analysts
said that, given the first impressions he has made in office, the president faces a far more difficult challenge now than when
he was a candidate in changing his image.
"The White House has been extremely deft at fixing short-term problems but refuses to confront their over-arching problem,
which is that the president campaigned as a centrist and is governing as a conservative," said Bruce Reed, president of the
Democratic Leadership Council and domestic policy chief in the Clinton administration. "They won't broaden their appeal until
they do."
Bush's approval rating has declined over the past two months, according to polls released in recent weeks, with the latest
NBC News-Wall Street Journal poll putting his approval at 50 percent, the lowest mark for a president in five years in that
poll. Surveys by The Washington Post and ABC News; CBS News and the New York Times; and the Pew Research Center
also have recorded declines in his approval rating during that period.
The polls also indicate that Bush's energy and environmental policies have put him on the wrong side of public opinion. Those
surveyed say that Bush favors oil companies at the expense of the environment and that they want greater emphasis on
environmental protection and energy conservation than they believe Bush favors. Several polls also found that Americans do
not believe Bush understands their problems.
Bush advisers play down the recent round of polls. Virginia Gov. James S. Gilmore III, chairman of the Republican National
Committee, staged a conference call with reporters on the day the latest NBC News-Wall Street Journal poll was released.
"The president is popular; he remains popular. His policies are doing very, very well," Gilmore said.
Matthew Dowd, the RNC's director of polling, said that when viewed over a longer period of time, Bush's approval rating has
remained relatively steady. He also argued that the sharply polarized electorate -- which he said predates Bush's presidency
-- means that the president will rarely have approval ratings above 60 percent and that about one-third of the country will say
they disapprove of how he is doing his job. "We're never going to be out of that box," he said.
Bush, like former president Bill Clinton, has proven to be a president who generates fierce support within his own party and
strong opposition in the other party. But he campaigned on a pledge to "change the tone" in Washington after the partisan
rancor of the Clinton years. Polls show Bush receives some credit from the public on that front, but it has not spilled over
into other assessments of his presidency.
"We're five months into his presidency, and he hasn't won anybody over who wasn't with him at the beginning," Democratic
pollster Geoff Garin said. "He had every opportunity in the world."
A Republican strategist agreed: "His situation is the same as Clinton's. There's a segment of the population that won't like
him no matter what he does. We had hopes in the first 100 days that we might get some crossover, but that's not going to
happen anymore."
Bush's image as a traditional conservative has been shaped by both success and failure. Administration officials count the
tax bill as a major accomplishment. "If we hadn't gotten the tax bill, we'd be in really bad shape," an official said. But officials
acknowledge that the time and effort that went into passing the bill forced Bush to talk much more about a conventionally
Republican issue than about education, the issue he used most successfully in his campaign to demonstrate his
independence from GOP doctrine.
Other Republicans are more critical of the administration's failure to highlight education more systematically. "In the campaign
when he got too far to the right, he talked about education and went right back to the center. I would argue we're not trying
very hard" now, a GOP strategist said.
At the same time, Bush has suffered from the administration's mistakes in the areas of energy and the environment. Some
involve policy choices the administration has made in its energy package, and some come from failures to explain decisions
about environmental regulations early in his term, administration officials said.
"The compassionate conservative agenda doesn't receive a lot of attention," said Dan Bartlett, deputy counselor to the
president, citing Bush's proposal to fund religious-based social service organizations. "They have not received as much
attention as the tax cut did or the regulatory entanglement. . . . And we probably didn't do as good a job in characterizing
who this president was early on, particularly on the environment."
But some Republican strategists argued that far more is needed to undo some of the early damage. One strategist said the
administration must make some decisions on energy and the environment that go directly against the interests of the oil
industry. "The only way you really deal with it is you've got to look like you've offended somebody," this strategist said.
What troubles some Bush advisers is that the president's standing with the public may hinder his efforts to enact an
ambitious agenda on defense and entitlement programs. One official argued that with the passage of the tax cut,
near-passage of the education bill and the prospect for other legislative successes, Bush can still point to a record of
accomplishment in his first year in office.
But one White House official said that would fall far short of Bush's goal: "His ambition was greater than that. It was to
reposition the Republican Party as the party of hope and inclusion and progress for the poor."
Democratic pollster Peter Hart, who, along with Republican Robert Teeter, conducts the polling for NBC and the Wall Street
Journal, said there is no simple explanation for Bush's standing, which he described as "mediocre and probably pretty
disturbing" to Republicans and the White House.
Hart also questioned whether Bush is a commanding enough leader to pull off the kind of redefinition some Bush advisers are
talking about. Arguing that Bush spends too much time poking fun at himself and is less visible than some recent past
presidents, Hart said: "The bottom line in all this is that he's become a president where there's less than meets the eye rather
than more than meets the eye."
Teeter offered a more positive view of Bush's current situation. "It's not that he's in great shape or in trouble," he said. But
Teeter said the implications of public opinion are that stitching together a governing coalition in the current environment will
not be easy. "We don't appear to have a unified governing coalition, and that makes it hard to govern," he said. "That's why
he's down. If I were them, I wouldn't panic over that."
|

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DeLay Says GOP House Will Goose Step On
Senate Majority Leader Thomas A. Daschle (D-S.D.) and his colleagues, although speaking of the need for bipartisanship,
have promised to press ahead with Democratic initiatives on such issues as health care and the minimum wage. Republicans
say these measures would encounter fierce resistance in the House.
"Nothing has changed," said House Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tex.), who described Daschle's agenda as "leftist."
"We're not going to stop and worry about the Senate," he said. "We're going to keep moving. As a matter of fact, we're going
to speed up."
After spending the past six years driving much of the policy agenda in Washington, House Republicans are still adjusting to
the balance of power created by November's election, which left the White House in Republican hands and the Senate evenly
divided.
With the Senate returning to Democratic control, albeit by a one-vote margin, many House GOP leaders say they have
regained some momentum. They contend they now serve as the president's best chance for advancing his conservative
policies.
The decision by Vermont Sen. James M. Jeffords to leave the GOP and caucus with the Democrats as an independent "has
upped the pressure on the House," said Rep. Mark Edward Souder (R-Ind.). "We need to be defining the conservative position
more and earlier."
Rep. Rob Portman (Ohio), a close Bush ally who is House GOP leadership chairman, said the Republicans should continue to
promote their agenda rather than react to proposals from the Senate.
"We need to continue to be the pitcher rather than the catcher," Portman said.
Top Republicans predicted they would push for more tax cuts, for example, even as Daschle has suggested the Senate may
attempt to reconsider some provisions in the tax reduction package Bush signed into law last week.
House Majority Leader Richard K. Armey (R-Tex.) announced on Wednesday the House would take up legislation to make
permanent the Bush tax cut, which is slated to expire at the end of 2010.
DeLay warned that the Democrats' goal of boosting the minimum wage would come at a price.
"They want to do a minimum wage?" he asked. "We'll load it up with tax cuts."
But this hard-line strategy could pose risks for House leaders, who still must accommodate more than two dozen GOP
moderates in the chamber.
So far this year, the moderates have voted with the leadership, even on such issues as tax cut legislation, ensuring a
comfortable majority for Republicans in the chamber in which they hold 221 seats to the Democrats' 210. There are two
independents and two seats are vacant.
The impact of Jeffords's defection is unclear, but some moderates warn that the party's predominant conservative wing
cannot afford to ignore the changes in the Senate.
"When the tectonic plates shift, you can't be oblivious to that. This is a big deal," said Rep. James C. Greenwood (R-Pa.).
"Clever leadership in the House needs to recognize the change in leadership in the Senate and modify the strategy
accordingly."
New York Rep. Jack Quinn, another Republican moderate, said House leaders "can't afford" to bottle up legislation that
comes over from the Senate.
"To try to stonewall the process is detrimental," Quinn said.
House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) has made overtures to Daschle, paying him a courtesy call on Tuesday. In a brief
interview last week, Hastert said he welcomed Daschle's calls for bipartisanship.
"I'm certainly willing to be bipartisan, too," Hastert said, adding the public would welcome such a sentiment. "They want this
Congress, both House and Senate, to do what's right for the country."
Even so, House Republicans have a decidedly different view from Democrats on how to tackle issues such as prescription
drug coverage for the elderly or managed-care reform.
Republicans are wary of establishing an entitlement program for drug benefits under Medicare or allowing patients the right to
sue HMOs, as Democrats suggest.
House Republican Conference Chairman J.C. Watts (Okla.) said Republicans outlined their positions in the last Congress and
were unlikely to shift their approach this year.
"When they talk about prescription drugs and managed care, I want to say, 'Been there, done that,' " Watts said, adding that
during more than six years in Congress, "I can't even think of a time that we did something in the House, or initiated
something in the House, based on what they're doing in the Senate."
But even congressional leaders such as DeLay acknowledged that neither Democrats nor Republicans could predict who will
have to show more flexibility now that Democrats control the Senate and Republicans the House, and a Republican sits in the
Oval Office.
"None of us, in the House or Senate, has ever served under this situation," he said |

|
Dead Letter Office
Heil Bush,
Dear Gruppenfuhrer Moore,
Congratulations you have just been awarded the Vidkun Quisling Award for 2001. Your name will now live throughout history with such past award winners as Marcus Junius Brutus, Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arnold, Vidkun Quisling and last year’s winner Volksjudge Antoni (light-fingers) Scalia.
Without your help splitting the young liberal vote and thereby getting the RNC close enough to steal power our Coup D' Etat would have been impossible. With the help of our mutual dear friend and 'Hero of the Revolution' Ralph (Darth) Nader you have made it possible for all of us to goose-step off to a brave new bank account.
Along with this award there will be an Iron Cross 2nd class presented by our glorious Fuhrer Herr Bush at a gala celebration in der Wolf's Lair (formerly Rancho de Bimbo) on 9-03-2001. We salute you Herr Moore! Sieg Heil!
Signed,
Heil Bush
|
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He especially doesn't believe in letting anyone sue business. He is
opposed to a patients' bill of rights for that reason; he tried to keep
the lawyers who won a $17 billion case for the state of Texas from
getting their fees for that reason; and tort reform, which is another
way of saying you can't sue corporations that injure or kill you or
your family, is a burning passion with him.
So it should come as no surprise that the federal government has
decided to settle its case against the tobacco companies. According
to anti-smoking groups, in the 2000 elections the tobacco
companies gave $8 million in campaign contributions, 80 percent of
it to Republicans. Bush certainly knew when he appointed John
Ashcroft attorney general that Ashcroft was one of the leading
senators in stopping anti-smoking legislation in 1998 that would
have toughened regulations and increased prices.
Administration officials have been saying they don't think they can
win the case, even though one state after another has won, which
means the tobacco companies go into settlement negotiations with
little reason to pony up. The government was claiming $20 billion in
damages for money it has spent on health care for its employees,
veterans and those on Medicare with illnesses caused by smoking.
Knowingly making and marketing a poisonous, addictive product
could be considered of dubious legality. I fail to see the difference
between that and Murder, Inc. (As one who has quit smoking many,
many times, I speak with some feeling on the issue.) The idea that
smokers have a "choice" about the habit seems to me a legitimate
argument: I can't imagine suing a tobacco company because I was
stupid enough to start smoking. But an addiction you already have
is not a problem that can be solved by just saying no.
The government was suing to recover the cost to everybody else of
treating smoking illnesses and would then have used much of the
money to educate young people about why they shouldn't smoke.
Given the amount the tobacco companies spend on marketing their
poison, it makes some sense to have a counter-force out there,
unless we all want to continue paying these staggering health
costs, while the tobacco companies make billions.
Nothing in the world is easier to make fun of than an overreaching
lawyer, but this is not a case of trial lawyers versus big business. It's
a case of our right to get recompense when we have been hurt by
corporate behavior. I'm not defending lawyers -- though I know
some righteous ones. Just the other day, a few Texas lawyers were
found to have been keeping quiet about unsafe Firestone tires for a
couple of years to guard their clients' interests, possibly costing
additional lives. But the patients' bill of rights and tort reform in
general are not about the rights of lawyers -- they're about our
rights.
The media love to focus on outrageous verdicts, of which we have
seen many over the years. What is almost never reported is the
nutty verdicts are almost invariably overturned on appeal. The
system of civil litigation actually works quite well -- for example, in
the famous case of the 81-year-old woman who suffered
third-degree burns after spilling a cup of McDonald's coffee on her
lap.
The jury first awarded her $2.9 million, after learning that
McDonald's had ignored 700 such complaints over the years. But
the judgment was reduced to $480,000 on appeal and was later
settled out of court for an undisclosed sum (she had initially sued
for $20,000). And McDonalds no longer heats its coffee to a point
that produces third-degree burns, thus improving the public safety.
For hilarious straight talk, I hope you did not miss Bush last week
explaining that the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission did not
impose price caps in the West. The official administration line is that
this is a "market-based mitigation plan." Herewith Bush's version:
"They're not talking about firm price controls. They are talking about
mechanism to -- as I understand it, a mechanism to mitigate any
severe price spikes that may occur, which is completely different
from price controls." Glad he understands it. |

|
Hey! Guess what???? On Tuesday, June 12th, a district court judge ruled that the company Bartell was guilty of
sex discrimination for not including birth control measures in the comprehensive health plan it offers to its
employees.
Think that's impressive? Are you ready? A flight attendant from American Airlines is having to do the same
thing.
We are almost halfway through this first year of the new millennium and (for those of you still under the
delusion that it started in 2000, again, take a math class), sexual discrimination is still making headlines. In a
recent Los Angeles Times article:
House Upholds Ban on Aid to Foreign Abortion Groups
From Associated Press: "WASHINGTON -- The House voted today to preserve President Bush’s policy of
banning aid to foreign organizations that discuss or advocate abortion rights abroad." …..Bush spokesman Ari
Fleischer indicated the president could support the overall bill now that the abortion issue has been resolved
"unless there’s something else in there." (WHAT???? Nice thinking there Ari - have you even READ the bill?)
"Democrats attacked the policy as detrimental to global family-planning efforts. "The issue here," said
Democratic leader Dick Gephardt of Missouri "is do we empower women and families across the globe with the
ability to plan for the number of children they will have? Or do we pull the rug out from under these important
efforts?"
Again, Gephardt starts the thought with "empowering women". Don't get me wrong, I am all for being
"empowered", but by using those words in that way, it again is the WOMAN'S PROBLEM.
Then Last week - Jane Martinson of the Guardian UK writes - "Some US health insurance schemes pay for men
to improve their sexual performance while refusing to fund the birth control pill. A court victory for a
27-year-old pharmacist this week is likely to change this iniquity. Women's rights campaigners also believe that
the ruling against Bartell Drugs, a Seattle-based pharmacy, could help in their increasingly bitter fight against
President Bush and his attacks on birth control." Again - Women's Right's campaigners.
Bush’s fight against birth control is beyond mind boggling, but there is a larger issue here: How is it possible
for any insurance company anywhere, to lawfully discriminate in this way? Not only that, but why would they
want to? Childbirth, and all the medical care it entails is far more costly than the cost of all forms of birth
control. The decision of any company to deny such care is bad business in the strict economic sense.
Correct me if I'm wrong, but isn't this the 21st Century???? How is it then, that we, not only as a country, but a
society as a whole, have become so discriminatory when it comes to reproduction? One of Bush’s first actions
was to stop funding Planned Parenthood overseas.
NEWS FLASH: All women do not suffer from Immaculate Conception.
Yes, that is true, and bears repeating. We, as in females as a collective, and as individuals do NOT get pregnant
ALONE. Yes, a woman can CHOOSE to get some anonymous sperm, and become a single parent. But as a
species the females cannot reproduce by themselves. We are not Earthworms. Perhaps I am overstating the
obvious, and if you are wondering where I am going with this, then you have become sucked into the accepted
complacency we have adopted as part of Western Culture: What is accepted by the many, must be ok. Shame on
you. Now as for reproduction basics, all, or at least, most of us, learned this in biology class. So here is my
question: Why have the females been given, allowed, forced to take on 99 percent of the responsibility? Please
don't write and whine that you are a man of conscience, and do not think like this. Good for you. But as you
must realize, you are out of the ordinary.
Let me give just a few examples:
- Men do not take any form of Birth Control, chemical or implanted. Why? That is the "WOMAN'S Job".
Some men DO wear prophylactics, but most only do at the female's insistence, and many would rather swallow
glass, never mind the HIV/AIDS factor. Many chose to get vasectomies, but only after they have had all the
children they desire. This is great, but hardly addresses the larger issue of taking control of prevention in the
long run, as women are expected to do.
- Men do not lobby the medical community for a male contraceptive. What for, when women already take
them?
- Abortion is largely a Woman's Right's issue. Men do not sue for control over their own bodies or
reproductive rights. Why should they really, when they aren't in jeopardy of losing them? Think they might if
sterilization become mandatory?
A male friend of mine recently made a comment when speaking in general terms on this issue, that he felt it
unfair that men had so little control after conception. I asked him why he didn't feel the need to take more
control BEFORE conception. I know I do. I have been on the Pill since I was 21, and wouldn't dream of
relinquishing my control over such an important issue, especially since I cannot count on men to be responsible,
even though I have spent many a year not knowing what the highs and lows of my own natural cycle actually feel
like.
So why don't men take more control? Why is abortion and reproduction solely a "woman's right's" issue? Are
we to believe that men are just out doing their Biblical duty of going forth and multiplying?
If men want more control, they need to take more control of their own reproductive rights. If they don't want to
get slapped with a paternity suit or childcare payments, then they need to take more responsibility of their
sperm. Do you think that abortion would really be the hot subject if men took an equal responsibility toward
reproduction?
It is shameful that a civilization that believes itself to be so advanced can have such a backward outlook on such
a basic principle.
This edition we're proud to showcase the cartoons of Mike Thompson. |



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To End On A Happy Note ... Thick As A Brick
Sung to the tune of "Thick As A Brick"
(instrumental intro)
We would be surprised if Bush thought something out.
And the countries real virtues are all swept away in
And the rights that we have seem so far away:
Spin us back down the years and the days of his youth.
See there! A son is born
Dick Cheney and Colin Powell casting their shadows on us all
And the eldest of the family is flaunting his authority.
The people quietly gazing as the press drones out their drivel
And the eldest of the family is flaunting his authority.
What will he do when
Bush comes down from the upper class to show you rotten days.
Bush crushes his foes for fun,
So!
He put his bet on brother Jeb and he came through every time.
So! Where the hell was Al Gore when you needed him on election day?
See there! A idiot - and we pronounce him fit for peace.
We will be geared to the average rather than the exceptional
In the clear white circles of the boy wonder,
Do you believe in the day? Do you?
Let me tell you the tales of your life of
So come all ye young men who are building castles!
So! Come all ye young men who are building castles!
So! Where the hell was Al Gore when you needed him on election day?
But his new shoes are worn at the heels show
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"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing." ... Edmund Burke
Was it the worst Supreme Court decision in US history, as
American University Constitutional scholar Jamin Raskin has
suggested? Considering that Raskin is a staunch civil rights
advocate, the very thought that he would rank Bush v. Gore
lower than both the Dred Scott and Plessy rulings is instructive.
Nor does Raskin stand alone in his opinion of this judicial coup.
Justice John Paul Stevens: "One thing, however, is certain.
Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity
of the winner of this year's Presidential election, the identity of the
loser is perfectly clear. It is the Nation's confidence in the judge as
an impartial guardian of the rule of law. I respectfully dissent."
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "In sum, the Court's
conclusion that a constitutionally adequate recount is impractical is
a prophecy the Court's own judgment will not allow to be tested.
Such an untested prophecy should not decide the Presidency of the
United States. I dissent." And related is the unsigned per curiam
decision of the Scalia 5, a transparent attempt to try to avoid
history's scarlet letter.
Hendrik Hertzberg, former presidential speechwriter: "The
election of 2000 was not stolen. It was expropriated."
David Kairys, Temple University: "We had a constitutional
crisis, and it was Bush v. Gore. History will not be kind."
Suzanna Sherry, Vanderbilt University: "There is really very little way to reconcile this opinion other than that
they wanted Bush to win."
Jeffrey Rosen, legal scholar: "They have...made it impossible for citizens of the United States to sustain any
kind of faith in the rule of law as something larger than the self-interested political preferences of William
Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Anthony Kennedy, and Sandra Day O'Connor."
Randall Kennedy, Harvard University: "But we should also insist that there be no confirmation for Scalia-like
champions of the right-wing agenda. The Supreme Court has hurt its own reputation by wrongly intervening to
ensure the victory of George W. Bush. Those who abhor what the Court did should say so and say so loudly and
clearly."
Jesse Jackson and John Sweeney: "But if it comes down for justices to the 14th amendment and the promise
of equal protection, one can only hope for the sake of the country that they consider how not counting all the votes
mirrors too closely the habits of heart and mind that brought us slavery and segregation--the original sins of our
nation that the equal protection clause sought to repair."
And, of course, Vincent Bugliosi, prosecutor of Charles Manson and author of several bestselling true-crime
books, in The Betrayal of America: ". . . the Court committed the unpardonable sin of being a knowing surrogate
for the Republican Party instead of being an impartial arbiter of the law.... [The Court searched] mightily for a
way, any way at all, to aid their choice for president, Bush, in the suppression of the truth, finally settling, in their
judicial coup d'État, on the untenable argument that there was a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal
protection clause..."
Recent polls indicate the public's growing dissatisfaction with the results of the Scalia Five's decision. A survey
conducted by the Pew Research Center and Princeton Survey Research Associates (June 13-17) showed George
W. Bush's job approval rating at just 50 percent, down six points from March; the New York Times survey with
CBS News (June 14-18) put the rating at 53 percent, down seven points from March. And Democracy Corps's
Greenberg Quinlan Rosner poll (June 11-13) found that 48 percent of likely voters think the nation is currently on
the "wrong track." Perhaps most tellingly, 25 percent of voters in the Democracy Corps poll said that the phrase
"not really elected President" describes Bush "very well," with another 15 percent saying that it describes him
"well"--in other words, six months after the Scalia Five coup, 40 percent of likely voters still believe Bush was not
really elected President.
What then, is to be done?
The least we can do is know our own history, and to understand that what the Injustices did was an insult to the
dreams and ideals of Lexington and Concord, Valley Forge and Jefferson and Paine, Gettsyburg and Lincoln and
Douglass, Selma and King, Seneca Falls and Anthony, Delano and Chavez, Flint and Debs and Lewis. We can
bear witness to injustice, in the nonviolent protest tradition of Thoreau, Gandhi, King, Havel, Robinson, Chavez.
The Scalia Five's judicial coup came down on the second Tuesday last December. So, on the second Tuesday of
July, July 10, 2001, the Tuesday after the Pro-Democracy Convention in Philadelphia, the Tuesday between
Independence Day and Bastille Day, the Institute for Policy Studies and friends are calling for a peaceful,
nonviolent vigil at the Supreme Court building, at noon.
On July 10--and each Tuesday at noon from then on--let's gather at the scene of the crime, and bear witness to the
truth. The Scalia Five won't be there; but we should be.
Bring a candle or a bell, like the Czechs a decade ago. Bring a copy of the Voters' Bill of Rights, or the US
Constitution. Send an e-mail to all your friends, with your favorite quote from this list. Bring Pablo Neruda's and
Marge Piercy's poems. Bring the next generation, so they will never forget. Bring your commitment to restore,
rebuild, and expand American democracy. The Supreme Court cheated. Democracy lost. For now.
This ultra-conservative group needs donations! Lend them a helping hand by sending them a few $100 or $1000 bills ... Confederate ones! Click
here to print or download the bills. Send them to other right-wing groups as well!
And if you still want to annoy the Heritage Foundation, you can always go to their
online donation form as soon as you try to leave the page, a pop-up window appears asking why you decided not to donate. Give them an explanation, but remember to be polite!
Greetings from the very beautiful and independent state of Vermont. You
may not have known that Vermont is also the birthplace of National Strikes
One, Two, Three, AKA The Baseball Strikes. Needless to say, National Strike
One went very well, indeed, here in Vermont as well as throughout the rest of
the nation. The fact that Senator Jeffords, of Vermont, made public his
intention to leave right wing Republicans, one day after National Strike One
ended, has sent a powerful signal to all. This announcement and party switch
also occurred in the week following the Voter March in Washington, DC, and
San Francisco. He could have picked any week of any month to switch parties.
That he chose the week following two national protest demonstrations is
significant to our efforts. If our Senators sense the majority of us are in
favor of right wing policies, they would not feel compelled to oppose them.
Senator Jeffords got the message loud and clear here in Vermont, and he
joined National Strike One by refusing to participate in what he could not
agree with ethically or legally.
For more information about National Strike Two, as well as how to create a
permanent national strike force capability, to protect us from election
fraud, go to the new Strike Two webpage at the following link:
http://hometown.aol.com/estrellaberosini/index.html
Best Wishes,
We, the undersigned voters, know that our cherished democracy is endangered from
within by the grave and potentially fatal flaws in our voting systems exposed by the
Presidential Election of 2000.
As our elected representatives, you have the duty, the opportunity, and the privilege to
correct these flaws and to restore fair and honest elections throughout our nation. To this
end, we charge you to construct and pass a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS, which shall
include:
Strict enforcement and extension of the Voting Rights Act to prevent the
disenfranchisement of voters and require full investigation and criminal prosecution of
any offenders;
Standardized, easily understandable federal election ballots
Funding to replace old and unreliable voting machines to ensure that every vote is
counted fairly and accurately
Genuine campaign finance reform that bans campaign contributions from special
interests
Replacement of the Electoral College with a majority-rule election, or substantial reform
of the Electoral College to allow for proportional representation
Measures to increase voter participation by eliminating bureaucratic hurdles to voter
registration and turnout, including language barriers, physical barriers, archaic
equipment, and lack of resources
Enactment and enforcement of a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS will restore trust in our
government and encourage participation in our democratic processes. The linchpin of a
democracy is the process by which we select our representatives and leaders. The right
to vote is our defining right as citizens of this nation. We call upon our elected
representatives to protect our Constitution from abusive exercise of government power
by enacting a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS.
We pledge our full and constant support for enactment of a VOTERS BILL OF
RIGHTS.
It is likely that 50% of the U.S. population is strongly dissatisfied with
the ascendancy of George W. Bush to the office of President. There are
three likely reasons:
In the interest of democracy, one could discredit election gripes (point
number one) as being unfair to our longstanding electoral college process..
Also, one might disregard Bush’s agenda (point number two) because the
hallmark of the United States Constitution is tolerance for divergent
political and moral beliefs.
However, point number three leads to a more egregious problem, namely that a
rather anonymous man, with no distinguishing ambition or vision has, by
virtue of family wealth and connection, been installed as President of the
United States. Even the most cursory glance at George W. Bush’s history and
character builds a strong case for charges of nepotism and cronyism. Such a
glaring display of favoritism, to benefit an individual with no considerable
talent, runs counter to the spirit of competition and fair play that has
driven the engine of American capitalism for more than two hundred years.
There is a way to tangibly and immediately raise a voice in protest of
George W. Bush as President. For the remainder of his term, conscientious
Americans should simply write "George W. Bush is an Idiot" on all U.S.
currency that passes through their hands.
This protest has already begun. The first bills were marked and spent in
San Francisco as of January 26, 2001. What is important, though, is to not
only begin marking all currency (an |