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©2001 chadsux
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In This Edition Robert Parry pins Smirky down in, "What Business in Guatemala?" Greg Palast's BBC interview, "Theft Of The Presidency." Glenn Kessler says democrats show some backbone in, "Democrats Launch Full Scale Attack On Bushonomics." Joe Conason tells it like it is in, "Cheney Stonewalls While Burton Leaks." Gene Lyons reveals, "An Odd Summer For Arkansas Republicans." Adam Clymer reports that, "Surveys Find European Public Critical Of Bush Policies." Robert Lederman keeps the heat on Rudy in, "Giuliani To Challenge 1st Amendment In NYC." Rob Boston has a deja vu all over again in, "The Ten Commandments: A Sequel!" Bob Novak wins the "Vidkun Quisling Award." Molly Ivins asks, "Who's Holier Than Thou? Not the GOP!" Tally Briggs gives us a view into, "Looking Glass Land." And finally in "Parting Shots" Hank Blakely shares another letter from Smirky in, " Cellmates Or, The Rayburn House Horrors," but first Uncle Ernie says it's all going, "Faster And Faster!" This week we spotlight the cartoons of Rayberry with additional cartoons from Handelsman, Margulies, Dems United, The Worried Shrimp, Tom Tomorrow, Chris Whitehouse, GWBush Art, Political Strikes and Chadsux.
Plus we have all of your favorite departments! Welcome one and all to "Uncle Ernie's Issues & Alibis." We hope you enjoy your stay! |

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While time is relative the perception of time is not. Time moves slowly for a child but quite quickly for the old. A year to a five year old child is 20% of it's existence and 1/2 of its real memory. To an 80 year old a year is 1/80 of it's existence or 1.25%. To the oldster another year is almost a blink of the eye. That's life, what are you gonna do?
Something I've also noticed perhaps you have too, is that the right-wing is getting "Faster And Faster" at chipping away our rights (always they say for our own good) with the destruction of the middle class as it's eventual goal. Not that the Democrats haven't done their part as well but compared to the right they're rank amateurs. Even with Democratic Presidents as far to the right as Clinton the Dems for the most part were the party of the middle class. And even Clinton's mistakes such as NAFTA were few and far between. He at least had the sense to try and pay down the National Debt.
You all remember how we got this outrageous debt don't you? Do da name Ruby Begonia 'er' Ronnie Ray-Guns ring a bell? Yes old Dementia Head took a national debt of 1 trillion dollars that had taken over two centuries to ring up and turned it into 4 trillion dollar debt by the time he left office. Most of the original debt was rung up by another great republican and another great American Tricky the Dick. Yes Milhouse kept slaughtering American and Asian kids and babies and women etc. all so the Military/Industrial/Complex could get rid of old equipment and rebuild at great expense a new round of rip offs, think $900 hammers!
Not satisfied Ronnie made the debt grow "Faster And Faster" until in 8 short years he had quadrupled it. Wondering where the Reagan/Bush depression came from? Have no doubt it was from this!
Now the Emperor wonders why his money Wizard Greenspan can't get the economy moving no matter how much he lowers the rates that the rich and banks pay. Hey guys you remember the surplus we had by paying down the debt, you know about enough to pay the debt off with?
Not to mention the coup de' etat, so I won't!
Are you having a Deja Vu too dear reader? Like Poppa Smirk, like Smirk. What did you think would happen Smirky? Of course President Cheney knew, Poppa knew, Rove knew but why didn't they tell you?
I keep reading about this new treason and that new treason that Smirky and pals want to commit on a daily basis. One little chip here one little chip there, (Or like they say in Foggy Bottom, A billion here, a billion there, after a while it starts to add up). And with the ruling Junta the chips keep coming
"Faster And Faster."
Today's Americans are just a chip or two away from being every bit as much a slave as any that existed a century and a half ago but very, very few are hip to it. Like the 'Firesign Theater' said, "Now nobody gonna have to be a slave all de time no more! From now on we gonna take turns and guess who's turn it is now?" My guess would be Mr. & Mrs. Middle-Class America's turn! If you want to see what's in store for you just cruise around the corner to the local ghetto. That's right a ghetto is coming to a neighborhood near you. Or perhaps they'll just send you to "Camp 13" for a little 'regrooving' while you work 16 hour shifts for some corporate bozo for a handful of gruel and the chance to live another day. Or perhaps it will be the "Body Parts Farm" for you or the "Soylent Green Factory?" One way or the other America there's big doings ahead. I get the strangest stories from my news service, here's an example. ARKANSAS CITY (EAP) -- A Little Rock woman was killed yesterday
after leaping through her moving car's sun roof during an incident best
described as "a mistaken rapture" by dozens of eye witnesses.
Thirteen other people were injured after a twenty-car pile up resulted
from people trying to avoid hitting the woman who was apparently
convinced that the rapture was occurring when she saw twelve people
floating up into the air,and then passed a man on the side of the road
who she claimed was Jesus.
"She started screaming 'He's back, He's back' and climbed right out of
the sunroof and jumped off the roof of the car," said Everet Williams,
husband of 28-year-old Georgann Williams who was pronounced dead at the scene.
"I was slowing down but she wouldn't wait till I stopped," Williams said.
She thought the rapture was happening and was convinced that Jesus was
gonna lift her up into the sky," he went on to say.
"This is the strangest thing I've seen since I've been on the force,"
said Paul Madison, first officer on the scene.
Madison questioned the man who looked like Jesus and discovered that he
was dressed up as Jesus and was on his way to a toga costume party when
the tarp covering the bed of his pickup truck came loose and released
twelve blow up sex dolls filled with helium which floated up into the air.
Ernie Jenkins, 32, of Fort Smith, who's been told by several of his
friends that he looks like Jesus, pulled over and lifted his arms into
the air in frustration, and said "Come back here," just as the Williams'
car passed him, and Mrs. Williams was sure that it was Jesus lifting
people up into the sky as they passed by him, according to her husband,
who says his wife loved Jesus more than anything else.
When asked for comments about the twelve sex dolls, Jenkins replied
"This is all just too weird for me. I never expected anything like this to happen."
I wonder if this guy does parties? I think I could put him to work in my neighborhood.
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What Business in Guatemala? By Robert Parry George W. Bush’s maiden trip abroad as U.S. president brought some new attention to the earlier mystery of how extensive was his overseas experience. Over the past year, Bush’s aides have given out fragments of information, including the assertion that Bush conducted unspecified business in Guatemala in the past. Immediately prior to his current European trip, Bush’s aides said he had traveled to Europe before, mostly to Great Britain with a 1990 add-on trip down to Spain and Portugal. The aides said Bush had visited Paris, too, though they wouldn’t give U.S. news organizations a date. The confusion over Bush's travels began during last year’s campaign when aides told The New York Times about three overseas trips: a visit to China when his father was U.S. envoy in 1975, a trip as Texas governor to the Middle East (with a stopover in Italy), and a ceremonial visit to the African country of Gambia. [NYT, Oct. 29-30, 2000] That account was followed by some clarifications and more locales to bolster Bush's image as a more seasoned world traveler. In mid-December, spokesman Gordon Johndroe released a list claiming that Bush had been outside the United States "more than a dozen times," counting "many, many" visits to Mexico and Canada. The overseas trips included France on vacation; Bermuda on vacation; Italy with his family (presumably en route to the Middle East); Israel and Egypt with the National Governor’s Association; Gambia with a delegation during his father’s presidency; England and Scotland; and China to visit his father, with a stopover in Japan on the return flight. [See CNN.com, Dec. 17, 2000] Guatemala? But perhaps Johndroe's most provocative addition to Bush’s travel itinerary was the claim that Bush also had traveled to Guatemala on business. Bush’s aides offered no clarification of this entry and there’s no indication that the Washington press corps pressed very hard, if at all, for additional details. Bush’s biographies also shed little light on exactly what his business in Guatemala might have entailed. A brief reference appeared in Bill Minutaglio's First Son: George W. Bush and the Bush Family Dynasty about a job that had been arranged for Bush in the early 1970s that involved horticultural operations in the United States and Central America. One executive, Peter Knudtzon, said he traveled with Bush to Orlando to check on a nursery and had gone with him on an excursion to Guatemala. It is not clear how long Bush might have stayed in Guatemala or if that one trip was the extent of Bush's travel to that country, which has been the scene of massive human rights violations over the past half century. It's also unclear what impression Bush might have had of a country undergoing widespread political repression. In 1999, a Guatemalan truth commission, which had received historical records from the Clinton administration, concluded that about 200,000 people were killed in the political violence that dated back to a CIA-sponsored coup in 1954. Though repression became a routine fact of Guatemalan life, some of the worst bloodletting occurred during the 1980s. Then, the Reagan-Bush administration backed a right-wing military dictator, Efrain Rios Montt, who was blamed for massacres in 626 Mayan Indian villages in a butchery judged "genocide" by the commission. While that slaughter was going on, President Reagan lifted a Carter administration embargo on military supplies to Guatemala and defended the Rios Montt regime as having gotten "a bum rap" from human rights groups. Though the historical documents released by President Clinton made clear that the CIA knew differently – and indeed was monitoring the human rights calamity – it is still unclear exactly what Reagan, Vice President George H.W. Bush and their top aides knew about the slaughter as it was occurring. It is clear, however, that with the public-relations help of the Reagan-Bush administration, the genocide went on unchecked. Records Delay Since taking office in January, the new Bush administration has moved to block release of historical records covering deliberations of the Reagan-Bush administration.L Those records of policy debates inside Reagan’s White House were scheduled for release on Jan. 21. But George W. Bush immediately authorized delays so the documents could be reviewed and some material possibly withheld from public scrutiny on national security or other grounds. It is still not clear when that document release will occur. Beyond what light those documents might shed on the Reagan-Bush administration’s level of knowledge about the genocide in Guatemala, George W. Bush might expect some questions about what he was doing in that troubled land and what his impressions were. Did his experience lead to any special concern about the Guatemalan tragedy when his father was vice president? Did his time in Guatemala lead to any insights into economic and political conditions in the Third World?
There are other better-known gaps in Bush’s record, such as his
whereabouts during the Vietnam War when he seems to have not shown
up for required National Guard duty. As for that period and for Bush's
Guatemalan sojourn, it seems reasonable for reporters to ask the new
president for some details to flesh out his sketchy life history.
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COUNTRY SONG: After hundreds of lies
Fake alibis
PALAST: We are coming into Tallahassee. We want to know
whether George W Bush won the election or did brother Jeb
steal it for him? Our investigation suggest the answer lies in
this shuttered building and in a very expensive contract
between Governor Jeb's division of elections and a private
company named DBT, which accidentally wiped off the voter
rolls thousands of Democratic voters. 18th floor division of
elections, we have come to ask Mr Clayton Roberts, the
director, a few questions. Roberts agreed to talk, but
became a bit uncomfortable when he learned that we had
obtained the secret DBT contract, and asked him if he knew
what DBT were up to.
CLAYTON ROBERTS: Florida Director of Elections No, I
didn't ask DBT. They do what we contract them to do. We
have a statute that says we have to have a private company
to do this. We put it out for bid, we put it out for bid, and I
think I'm done with this interview.
PALAST: Let me just show you the contract if I could Mr
Roberts. It says here in the contract that the verification is
supposed to be done by DBT. That you paid them $4
million. It could look to others don't you think that you paid $4
million to purchase this election for the Republican party.
95% wrong on the felon list. Mr. Roberts, could you answer
the question regarding the contract... Instead, Mr Roberts
called out State troopers. It's interesting here?
STATE TROOPER: Oh, man! Never a dull moment.
PALAST: I don't know why he had to call the police. We
hadn't gotten to our difficult questions yet! The difficult
questions are: Did Governor Jeb Bush, his Secretary of
State Katherine Harris, and her Director of Elections,
Clayton Roberts, know they had wrongly barred 22,000
black, Democrat voters before the elections? After the
elections did they use their powers to prevent the count of
20,000 votes for the Democrats? The Democrats say the
answers to both questions are yes.
COMMISSIONER: In any other country in the world, if this
had occurred, there probably would have been riots or
military troops throughout the streets.
PARTY CHAIRMAN: Al Gore won the election. He won the
popular vote and he won the vote in Florida. I think that that's
pretty clear.
VOTER: It wasn't done fairly. They shouldn't allow you to
contest an election then give you no way to contest it.
LEGISLATOR: Jeb Bush promised his brother he was going
to deliver Florida. I believe the Republicans strategy was at
all costs we deliver Florida.
CAMPAIGNER: Were people taken out of polls and stopped
from voting? Yes, I think that was not right. I smell a rat!
PALAST: This is Database Technologies. This is the
company that the state of Florida hired to remove the names
of people who committed serious crimes from the voter
lists. I have obtained a document marked "confidential and
trade secret". It says the company was paid millions of
dollars to make telephone calls to verify they got the right
names - but they didn't. There is nothing in the state of
Florida files that says they made these telephone calls. So
the question remains, why did the Republican leaders of
this state pay millions for a list that stopped thousands of
innocent Democrats from voting? The first list from DBT
included 8,000 names from Texas supplied by George
Bush's state officials. They said they were all felons, serious
criminals barred from voting. As it turns out, almost none
were. Local officials raised a ruckus and DBT issued a new
list naming 58,000 felons. But the one county which went
through the whole expensive process of checking the new
list name by name found it was still 95% wrong. Reverend
Willie Whiting was one of those removed from voter roles
after DBT wrongly labelled him a serious criminal.
REVEREND WILLIE WHITING: I have never spent a night in
jail.
PALAST: Were you ever busted?
WHITING: No. I had a speeding ticket probably 25-30 years
ago, I guess, but that's about it.
PALAST: Do you think you should be allowed to vote if you
had a speeding ticket?
WHITING: Absolutely.
PALAST: The Florida legislature likes to see young
prisoners paraded in front of the capital in old cavalry
uniforms.
PRISON GUARD: Me and superman had a fight
PRISONERS: Me and superman had a fight
PRISON GUARD: I hit him in the head with some Kryptonite
PRISONERS: I hit him in the head with some Kryptonite
PALAST: More often than not in America, the prisoner's
colour is black. Because of the way DBT generated the list,
every genuine black felon in the United States could knock
out every black voter in Florida with the same surname and
similar date of birth. That's why the NAACP is suing Florida
for violating voters' civil rights.
LARRY OTTINGER: Lawyer for NAACP Governor Bush, the
Secretary of State Katherine Harris, Clayton Roberts, the
head of elections, all knew or should have known in
advance that certain election policies and practices would
disproportionately impact low-income areas, and in
particular black citizens and other minority citizens, and that
this would disproportionately impact Democratic voters,
based on historical voting trends.
AL GORE: Thank you, Florida!
PALAST: Altogether, it looks like this cost the Democrats
about 22,000 votes in Florida, which George Bush won by
only 537 votes. The US civil rights commission is also on
the trail. They called in Bush, Harris and Roberts. Bush did
not convince his critics.
UNNAMED MAN: You screwed up this state. You sealed the
ballot.
PALAST: Commissioner Edley and his colleagues will be in
Miami tomorrow to hear from voters wrongly disqualified.
DR CHRISTOPHER EDLEY: US Civil Rights Commissioner
If you are going to do it, by all means as a matter of due
process and fairness, it's got to be done with excruciating
care. It's a democracy, the vote counts. There is a lot of
public concern that the contractor selected is a firm that
seems to have ties to the Republican party.
PALAST: They will be putting our evidence to Database
Technologies. Their vice-president told us that "manual
verification by telephone calls" does not mean ringing
people up to check they have got the right person. So were
they paid to produce a list which they knew would name
thousands of innocent black people? In fact DBT told
Newsnight that Clayton Roberts and the State of Florida: "...
wanted there to be more names than were actually verified
as being a convicted felon." So did they use their powers to
prevent the count of 20,000 votes for the Democrats? You
don't have to be black. In Palm Beach, America's privileged
nurse their tans and their anger.
UNNAMED WOMAN: I thought I voted for Al Gore but
unfortunately I voted for Pat Buchanan, and I wasn't happy
about that, because I am a Jewish voter and he would have
been the last person in the world I would have voted for.
PALAST: Whacky butterfly ballots caused thousands in this
Democrat town to accidentally mess up and they were
refused replacement ballots promised them by state law.
JOANNE CARBONE: From the time the elections started
until that awful decision that the Supreme Court made, I
came across hundreds of people who made a mistake and
I saw over 13,000 complaints filed by people who live in
Palm Beach county.
PALAST: In all, Palm Beach voting machines misread
27,000 ballots. Jeb Bush's Secretary of State, Katharine
Harris, stopped them counting these votes by hand. She did
the same to Gadstone, one of Florida's blackest, poorest
and most Democrat counties, where machines failed to
count one in eight ballots. Again Harris stopped the hand
count. This alone cost Gore another 700 votes, in an
election in which Harris declared George Bush winner by
only 537 votes.
KATHARINE HARRIS: In accordance with the laws of the
State of Florida, I hereby declare Governor George W Bush
the winner of Florida's 25 electoral votes for the President of
the United States.
PALAST: Harris was a busy woman. In charge of Florida's
vote count and co-chair of Bush's presidential campaign.
LOIS FRANKEL: Had she really been unbiased? Wouldn't
the appropriate actions for her to be to say - let's really get to
the bottom of this election and let's make sure every vote is
counted.
PALAST: Lois Frankel represents Palm Beach, in the State
legislature where she leads the Democratic opposition.
FRANKEL: She wanted George Bush to win. She interpreted
every rule, every law in a way to help George Bush.
PALAST: We are driving down to Miami to witness an
American ritual. In Britain, you count the votes, then
announce the winner. In Florida they declare the winner first
and here we are, still counting the votes.
WOMAN'S VOICE: She is showing the ballot in front of the
light. They can see the light through where the chads have
been punched through. Then she holds it in front because
sometimes you can see things in different light. They have a
whole column.
PALAST: Normally these are machine-read, right?
UNNAMED WOMAN: Right.
PALAST: They are carefully going through the 179,855
uncounted ballots that Harris did not want tallied. They'll
know the winner next month. Sources tell Newsnight that
Gore's ahead by 20,000 votes. The Biltmore, grandest hotel
in Miami. Democrats are upstairs eating with their richest
friends charging $5,000 a plate. Let's see if we can get in.
Not far away from the millionaires on the balcony a voter had
taken hostages at gun point protesting against the election
fraud. But here it is back to champagne politics as usual.
One Democrat whispered they would have done the same
as Katharine Harris if they had the chance. But another,
party chairman, Bob Poe remains bitter about this.
BOB POE: Chairman, Florida Democrats Jeb Bush,
Katharine Harris, Clay Roberts did everything they could to
stop every legitimate count of the vote. And that's what did us
in.
PALAST: All fingers point to the Jeb Bush crew in
Tallahassee. Investigators want to breakthrough the iron
shutters.
EDLEY: I have to say that thus far we have been
disappointed by the explanations, or perhaps I should say
the lack of explanation provided by the state officials. When
we spoke with the Governor and the Secretary of State and
even with the Director of the Bureau of Elections underneath
the Secretary of State, they were pointing fingers at
everybody else, saying "look it wasn't our responsibility",
they were in charge, which is a disheartening disquieting
thing for us to hear - who should be held accountable for
what clearly was a system that broke down.
PALAST: State officials point the finger at the counties and
say it is their responsibility to check if the names on the list
are real felons before disqualifying them. Clayton Roberts
says his job is just to pass on the list. Roberts now admits
he didn't bother to check with DBT, if innocent people were
on it.
ROBERTS: Please turn off that camera.
PALAST: Off camera he said: We did not call and say did you
check the list again... the whole tenor of this is like OK you
screwed up you didn't check with DBT and if you want to
hang this on me that's fine. It is certainly fine for George W
Bush. Even if investigators conclude that Jeb Bush and the
Republicans conspired to steal this election, the man in that
house for the next four years will be George W Bush.
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Democrats Launch Full Scale Attack On Bushonomics By Glenn Kessler Democrats plan to launch an assault on President Bush's budget and tax policies this week, including town hall meetings, protests and attack ads, to undermine his political support when Congress returns to complete work on the 2002 spending bills. Seizing on news that this year the government will need to spend Medicare payroll taxes to pay for defense, education and other federal programs -- and could even begin tapping Social Security payroll taxes -- Democrats have concluded that they can use the dwindling budget surplus to discredit Bush's tax cut, derail his plans for private Social Security investment accounts and energize the Democratic base for the 2002 elections. Republicans dismiss the attack as a scare tactic and plan to emphasize that Bush's tax cut will stimulate the economy while making it more difficult for Congress to overspend. But Republicans privately concede they are nervous about the public's response to the news that the budget surplus has plunged so quickly. On Wednesday, the administration will announce a projected budget surplus of about $158 billion, but when Social Security receipts are excluded, the surplus is just $1 billion, sources said. Earlier this year the administration said it would exceed the Social Security surplus by $125 billion. Now it will be able to show a $1 billion margin only by changing the accounting at the last minute to free up an additional $4 billion to add to the non-Social Security accounts. The margin is so narrow that a separate forecast by the Congressional Budget Office next week could show that the government is actually a few billion dollars into the Social Security surplus -- a line that members of both parties had promised they would not cross. Whichever is the case, the government would be spending Medicare payroll taxes on other government programs, which Democrats and many Republican lawmakers have said is not acceptable. The president is scheduled to talk about the budget outlook in a speech Tuesday at Harry S. Truman High School in Independence, Mo., where he will note that the overall surplus this year will still be the second largest in history, and he will call on Congress not to pass excessive spending bills. Democrats plan to respond beginning today with a television ad poking fun at Bush for appearing at a school named for the Democratic president who first proposed Medicare and who had a sign on his desk declaring, "The buck stops here." Democrats are striving to make it appear that the president is breaking a pledge that his budget "protected Social Security and Medicare," much as his father came to grief for abandoning his "no new taxes" promise. "We think this is the defining moment for the Bush presidency," said Democratic National Committee Chairman Terence McAuliffe. Democratic lawmakers on recess are being sent "honest budget action packets" urging them to hold town meetings to draw attention to the shrinking surplus and what Democrats say that will mean not only for Social Security and Medicare, but also for priorities such as prescription drug benefits. "I hope he's had a relaxing time in Texas," McAuliffe said of Bush. "When he gets back, he's going to have to figure out how to pay for education, defense and his missile shield. There is no money left and the bill has now come due." The packages contain quotations from leading Republicans pledging never to use Medicare or Social Security funds to pay for government operations, as well as details on what Democrats contend are accounting gimmicks used by the administration to improve its budget forecast. In March, House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) said, "We are going to wall off Social Security and Medicare trust funds." Just last month, House Majority Leader Richard K. Armey (R-Tex.) declared, "Let me just be very clear about this: The House of Representatives are not going to go back to raiding Social Security and Medicare trust funds." Under government accounting, spending Social Security or Medicare taxes does not reduce the amount of Treasury bonds credited to the trust funds of the two programs; it also does not affect benefit payments. Until the last few years, the government routinely spent payroll taxes to reduce the size of the deficit. If the money is used for spending rather than debt reduction, it reduces national saving and could lead to higher interest rates, though, at least in fiscal 2001, the overall surplus is still high enough that a substantial amount of debt will be repaid this year. The economy will play a large role in determining the size of the surplus in future years, and the administration is banking on a sharp rebound in 2002 to ease the budget situation. But its projections are more optimistic than the consensus private forecast. In the current political environment, however, the technical mechanics of the budget process pale against the politics of spending payroll taxes generated for the Medicare and Social Security programs. From the start of the year, Democrats have charged that the Bush tax cut would make it more difficult to fund other priorities down the road; to their surprise, the sputtering economy brought that moment a mere two months after passage of the tax cut. "This is energizing folks like nothing I've ever seen," said one top Democratic aide. "This is what we've been saying for a year now." Mitchell E. Daniels Jr., the White House budget director, said the Democratic rhetoric is "all nonsense." He said the only reason to set aside Medicare payroll taxes was to restrain spending by Congress. That mission has been accomplished by the president's tax cut. "Since the trust funds are in identical shape with the president's tax cut, this hysteria can only be about one thing -- spending," Daniels said. "It is a good idea to take this money off of the table." Daniels, who declined to discuss the administration's budget forecast before its official release, said Democrats have become focused on erecting largely meaningless budget lines that have obscured what he considers a major achievement -- a large surplus in a declining economy. "We are awash in surplus money," he said. "We ought to call a cease-fire and congratulate each other." Democrats, however, have been spoiling for a fight ever since Bush was able to push through what they considered a reckless tax cut just before the Senate reverted to Democratic control. They have been frustrated that, in their view, Bush has been able to pick and choose his legislative fights. They say that will change when Congress returns next month and must focus on passing the 13 annual spending bills that fund the government in the coming fiscal year, which begins Oct. 1. A Democratic strategist said Bush's high-profile identification with the tax cut will make it difficult for him to walk away from a battle over whether there is enough money to increase spending for education and defense. As an added benefit, Democrats believe raising questions over how Bush has handled the Social Security surplus will cast doubts on his plans to partially privatize Social Security. Bush's Social Security Commission holds a public meeting Wednesday, the same day the White House budget projections are officially released, and Democrats will try to link the two events in the public's minds. Democrats began the attack yesterday in their weekly radio address, with Sen. Paul D. Wellstone (Minn.) warning, "Cuts to Social Security's guaranteed benefits are part and parcel of private account proposals." While both the declining economy and the tax cut have cut into the surplus, neither event by itself would have touched the surplus generated by Medicare payroll taxes this year. But in the tax bill passed this summer, Republicans shifted $33 billion in corporate tax payments from fiscal 2001 to 2002 because they feared that the tax cut in 2002 would reduce revenue so much that the government would be forced to tap Medicare payroll taxes to cover government expenses in an election year. Instead, the shift merely moved up the date of reckoning.
Daniels says in retrospect that was a mistake. "It is an artifice," he said, saying he agreed with Democratic critics of
the maneuver. "This is an example of the nonproductive energy that is consumed when we attach too much
importance to annual numbers." |
Cheney Stonewalls While Burton LeaksOne way to measure the priorities of any government is by observing what it strives to keep secret. This axiom is currently being illustrated in the most stark fashion by the administration of George W. Bush. If you are an oilman or utility lobbyist who whispered about regulations and taxes to the Vice President, then the White House and the Justice Department will go to court to protect you from the curiosity of the public, the press or the Congress. But if you are the Prime Minister of Israel who talked on a supposedly secure telephone with the President of the United States, then the White House and its friends in Congress will permit your conversations to leak without the slightest concern for future diplomatic consequences. Such, at least, are the implications of the administration’s bizarre behavior. Since last May, Vice President Dick Cheney has stonewalled requests by the General Accounting Office—the federal agency which conducts audits and investigations for members of Congress—for basic information about the National Energy Policy Development Group that he chairs. As Comptroller General David Walker, who heads the G.A.O., reported on Aug. 17, Mr. Cheney has violated long-standing precedents by resisting the agency’s effort to discover exactly who participated in crafting the Bush energy scheme. Mr. Cheney refuses even to provide the names of those who attended his group’s meetings, when and where the meetings occurred and what subjects were on its agenda. In words that suggest a claim of executive privilege to which he is not entitled—unless he really is the President—Mr. Cheney declared that complying with the G.A.O. would "unconstitutionally interfere with the functioning of the executive branch." It’s hard not to wonder what the Vice President hopes to conceal, with his threat to resist the G.A.O. all the way to the Supreme Court. Does he imagine anyone will be shocked to learn that he sought the advice of his former colleagues in the oil business and his campaign contributors in the coal, gas and nuclear industries? Do those secret minutes record him muttering "yes, sir" whenever a lobbyist demands a tax break or a pollution exemption? It’s also difficult to understand why, in the minds of Republican politicians and pundits, the Vice President’s obsessive secrecy is more acceptable than that which surrounded the previous administration’s health-care task force in 1993. When Hillary Clinton tried tactics similar to those the Vice President now employs, the very air echoed with demands for "open government" and denunciations of "back-room bargains." In fact, Mrs. Clinton released the names of her task force’s participants only eight weeks into her husband’s tenure; Mr. Cheney refuses even that small concession after almost eight months, provoking an unprecedented lawsuit by the G.A.O. Meanwhile, during the same week that the G.A.O. reported to Congress on Mr. Cheney’s obstruction, the transcripts of three telephone conversations between Ehud Barak and Bill Clinton were "obtained" by Newsweek. That passive construction of sourcing is traditionally used to elide the question of who gave up the goods. In this case, the original source was the Bush National Security Council, which prepared transcripts from the contemporaneous stenographic notes taken by White House aides whenever the President speaks with a foreign leader. Those transcripts were then provided to the House Government Operations Committee, which is "investigating" Mr. Clinton’s controversial pardon of financier Marc Rich. The transcripts prove that Mr. Barak began pressing Mr. Clinton to grant the Rich pardon on Dec. 11, 2000, in the midst of the Democratic President’s strenuous and unsuccessful effort to broker a new peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. In that and two subsequent chats on Jan. 8 and Jan. 19, the references to Mr. Rich’s fate were brief interruptions of their continuing discussion about that broader topic (all of which was redacted by the N.S.C.). While the former President’s remarks indicate that he knew the pardon raised troubling questions, they don’t even hint that he acted from any corrupt motive. The actual leaker of the Clinton-Barak transcripts was Representative Dan Burton of Indiana, an excitable weirdo who chairs the House committee. Why Mr. Burton would choose to leak this material is unclear, since it scarcely singes Mr. Clinton, whom he seems doomed to pursue forever, as if in some endlessly looped cartoon. But Mr. Burton often interprets reality in his own special way, and he does love to see his name in the newspaper. Whatever his aims, however, the damage to diplomacy has been done. The truly guilty parties are those in the Bush White House who blithely handed such sensitive materials over to an irresponsible, grandstanding politician.
So from now on, no foreign leader can depend upon the privacy of a conversation with the
American President. Unless, perhaps, that foreign leader also happens to be in the oil business.
"President Bush is on what you call a working vacation. Aides say Bush will read several mystery novels while on vacation. I'm sure any book Bush picks up is a mystery!" -- Jay Leno
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An Odd Summer For Arkansas Republicans By Gene Lyons It's been an odd summer for Arkansas Republicans. Gov. Mike Huckabee's normally glib performance has been so awkward as to provoke an August brain-teaser: If a Republican governor exhibits his posterior while the Democrats are sleep-walking, did anything happen? From the Wayne DuMond affair to his administration's computer-aided inability to issue payroll and child support checks, Huckabee's bungling is rivaled only by his petulance. For all his affability, Democrats have long said that Huckabee has little knowledge of state government and less real interest. Some predicted he'd eventually blunder and act like a big crybaby. OK, so it's happened. Now what? If there's a credible Democratic opponent in sight, who could it be? Then there are the Righteousness Brothers, Asa and Tim Hutchinson, one elevated by near-acclamation to the most futile job in the U.S. government, the other wandering from one evangelical camp meeting to another asking forgiveness. But back to Tim in due course. First, I have a bone to pick with my evil twin, Pat Lynch. In the course of commenting on Asa's elevation to Bush administration "drug czar," a task perfectly suited to the Crusader Rabbit side of the man's public persona, Lynch allowed as how Asa had done a bang-up job as a House impeachment manager. Lyncho, my man, which Senate trial were you watching? In reality, Asa, a former U.S. attorney, did a passable imitation of an ace TV prosecutor. But he also made a dumb blunder that sank the House managers' case against then-President Clinton like a stone. Since the Democrat-Gazette Editorial page has taken to parroting the phrase "obstruction of justice" almost every time it needs to insult Clinton, i.e. roughly six days a week, it's worthwhile recalling what actually happened on the Senate floor. The trouble started with the "Starr Report," which hid Monica Lewinsky's grand jury testimony that nobody ever asked her to lie about her amorous interludes with Clinton. To convert a cheap affair into a crime, the House managers settled on Dec. 11, 1997, when U.S. District Judge Susan Webber Wright ruled that Paula Jones' lawyers could question other women about their relationships with Clinton. Because Lewinsky met with the president's friend Vernon Jordan about finding a New York job that same day, Asa and his pals argued that Wright's ruling jump-started an illegal effort to buy her silence. The boyishly handsome prosecutor took to the Senate floor armed with charts illustrating the alleged chain of causation. Clinton attorney David Kendall quoted Asa's oral argument in a recent lecture entitled "Constitutional Vandalism." "And so what triggered [this sudden change of attitude by the president]?" Hutchinson asked portentously. "Let's look at the chain of events: The witness list came in. The judge's order came in. That triggered the president to action. And the president triggered Vernon Jordan into action. That chain reaction here is what moved the job search along. . . ." The problem was that Asa had the time sequence upside-down. Clinton's able defense lawyer, the late Charles Ruff, proved that the Jordan-Lewinsky meeting took place hours before Wright's ruling and had been scheduled for weeks. Indeed, by the time the conference call began during which Wright made her ruling, Jordan was high over the Atlantic on an airplane headed for Europe. Asa's chain of causality was a physical impossibility. Exactly as you'd expect from a Bob Jones graduate, he'd begun with an ideological conclusion, then arranged the facts to fit it--the prosecutorial equivalent of creation science. For Ruff, as Jeffrey Toobin wrote in his book, "A Vast Conspiracy," "It was the kind of Perry Mason moment that few lawyers ever have the opportunity to savor. . . . Of course, that one fact did not refute all of the charges against the president, but it served as a useful example of the excessiveness of Clinton's pursuers. Ruff's charge that Hutchinson and company 'deceived' the Senate was unfair; the truth was more banal. The managers never learned the facts as well as Clinton's defenders did [and] they spun everything against Clinton whether or not the facts justified it." If the job of drug czar demands nothing else, it demands endless zeal along with a genius for self-deception. On evidence, Asa Hutchinson appears eminently qualified. All of which brings us back to Sen. Tim Hutchinson, Asa's Washington roommate at the time and an impeachment trial "juror." Some months after the impeachment, as the world knows, the senator announced his divorce, then impending remarriage to Randi Fredholm, a former staffer. Inquiring minds have wondered ever since exactly when the Hutchinson-Fredholm romance began. To nobody's surprise, Tim ain't telling. Here's how it came out in a very friendly interview with Donrey columnist David Sanders recently published in the Arkansas Times. "Hutchinson says now that, at that time she worked for him, Randi was only a friend, an encourager and a source of strength. He will not answer directly the question of when the relationship became a romantic one, saying only it was an 'evolving thing.' "While Hutchinson refuses to discuss a timeline on the relationship, he implies strongly that the romantic dimension didn't develop until after she left his staff. So why won't he explicitly answer the question? 'Those who want to believe the worst will continue to believe the worst no matter what I say. I don't want to get into arguing and debating the point.' "
Now that's as cute a non-denial denial as Clinton himself could concoct.
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Surveys Find European Public Critical Of Bush Policies By ADAM CLYMER WASHINGTON, — Ordinary Europeans strongly back their political leaders' unhappiness with American foreign policy on specific issues like the Kyoto environmental treaty and the Bush administration's threat to withdraw from the 1972 Antiballistic Missile Treaty, polls in France, Germany, Great Britain and Italy show. Indeed, on those two issues, European leaders command more public support for their criticism than Mr. Bush does in the United States for the policies themselves. The surveys, conducted early this month for The International Herald Tribune, the Pew Research Center and the Council on Foreign Relations, found that at least 73 percent of the public in the four European countries said that President Bush makes decisions "entirely on U.S. interests" without considering European interests. That 73 percent response came from Germany. Among Italians 74 percent felt that way, as did 79 percent of Britons and 85 percent of the French. The telephone surveys of about 1,000 people in each country found that vastly more Europeans liked former President Bill Clinton's foreign policy than liked Mr. Bush's. In Italy, for example, 29 percent endorsed current policies, while 71 percent remembered Mr. Clinton's approach approvingly. Only in Germany did a slight majority express confidence that Mr. Bush would do the right thing in world affairs — 51 percent compared with 46 percent who disagreed. Fifty- nine percent of Italians, 64 percent of Britons and 75 percent of French respondents said they did not have confidence in him. For each country the margin of sampling error was plus or minus four percentage points. Samuel P. Wells, head of West European studies for the Woodrow Wilson Center, said he was surprised by the depth of the Europeans' feelings. "The strength of opinion holds up across borders and across age groups," he said. If the president "wants Allied support for anything," he added, "he's got his work cut out for him." Mr. Wells blamed the administration's approach for the strength of European antipathy, saying it amounted to: "We will listen to you, but we may not hear you." In Hamburg, Josef Joffe, chief editor of the German newspaper Die Zeit, said that while these opinions were "not cast in concrete or in granite," they reflected "an underlying reality which is hard to deny" — that President Bush is a unilateralist. He added that the president was very different from his father, who "was very careful in keeping his international ducks lined up. There was a guy who knew that he represented Mr. Big, but who also understood that Mr. Big needed allies for legitimacy." But Mr. Joffe said the data also reflected a "kind of trans-Atlantic Kulturkampf," or cultural struggle. He said Europe sees itself as kind of morally and socially superior: "Socially, because we care about social justice and an egalitarian distribution of income. Morally, because we don't have the death penalty." "This may well be psychological compensation for this sense of growing weaker strategically and economically," he added. The poll found overwhelming opposition to American policy on two crucial issues. On American rejection of the Kyoto treaty on curbing greenhouse gases, only 12 percent of Italians approved, as did 10 percent in the other three countries. Americans themselves oppose Mr. Bush's rejection of the treaty, a separate poll showed, by 44 percent, with 29 percent supporting his decision. On the question of the United States developing a missile defense system "even if it means withdrawing from the A.B.M. Treaty," 24 percent of Italians approved, while 65 percent did not. Among Britons, 20 percent approved and 66 did not, while 14 percent of the French approved and 75 percent disapproved. In Germany, 10 percent approved and 83 percent did not. In a Pew poll taken in June, Americans were about evenly split, with 39 percent for and 43 percent against. The polls did find widespread European approval for the administration's decision last month to keep troops in Bosnia and Kosovo. And solid majorities in each country backed Mr. Bush over his support for free trade. But except for Britain, where the public was about evenly split, at least two-thirds of the public disapproved of Mr. Bush's support for the death penalty in the United States. Those percentages were 67 percent in France, 68 percent in Germany and 73 percent in Italy. In Britain, which has banned capital punishment, there is considerable support for reinstating it, a move backed by two-thirds of the public in a 1995 poll. In the United States, according to a poll taken in May by CBS News, 66 percent of the public supports the death penalty, while 24 percent opposes it. While there was great variation from country to country in confidence that Mr. Bush would "do the right thing regarding world affairs," in every country he enjoyed more public confidence than Russian President Vladimir V. Putin did, the margin was never large. In Germany, 41 percent had confidence in Mr. Putin, compared to 51 percent for Mr. Bush. In Britain, 26 percent had confidence in Mr. Putin, compared to 30 percent for Mr. Bush. In Italy, 23 percent had confidence for the Russian president, and 33 percent in the American. In France, 14 percent had confidence in Mr. Putin and 20 percent in Mr. Bush.
The polls suggested that the European unhappiness was more with Mr. Bush than with the United States. Asked whether American
and European interests had grown closer or farther apart in recent years, only in Britain did a plurality say they had grown apart, a
view held by 24 percent compared with 13 percent who said they had grown closer. The French were about evenly divided, while
Germans and Italians were considerably more likely to think European and American interests were converging. |

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However, it’s not just artists who need to be concerned about an appeal. This case is essentially not about the right
of street artists to sell their works without obtaining a permit or license. If the City were to successfully appeal this
ruling or change the 1982 NYC permit exemption law it is based on, all First Amendment freedom on New York City
streets would be effectively ended.
In order to meet the 14th Amendment’s requirement of equal protection, the City’s permit requirement would have to
be applied equally to artists, book and newspaper vendors, newspaper vending boxes, handing out leaflets, making a
speech or holding a press conference anywhere on public property.
If you doubt that Mayor Giuliani could have such a draconian restriction in mind, examine his previous efforts to
require a permit for press conferences at City Hall and for all gatherings of 20 or more people in a park.
Most of the 2001 candidates for mayor, public advocate and city council have assured us that if elected they would
advocate taking down the gates at City Hall and would otherwise act to loosen the Mayor’s attempts to stifle freedom
of speech. However, despite most of these candidates having been an integral part of the NYC government during
eight years of daily artist arrests and despite the millions of dollars the City has wasted on legal costs and police
overtime to carry them out, none have issued any public statement on this issue.
It’s not that they are unaware of it or have no opinion. The powerful real estate interests and elite groups including the
Central Park Conservancy (now directed by the Mayor’s first wife and cousin, Reginna Perrugia) who are behind the
permit agenda, don’t want them to take a position.
The NY Times certainly understands the implications of what it would mean if Giuliani were to win this appeal or get
the 1982 law changed.
A few months ago the Mayor had the sidewalk newspaper vendors who sold the Times, Post Daily News and Newsday
immediately around NY City Hall removed after I repeatedly publicized that they were free to sell without a permit or
license under NYC law while artists were not. Since the first street artist Federal ruling in 1996 artists are subject to
the exact same rights as newspaper publishers and book vendors. The ruling applied to creating, displaying or selling
paintings, prints, photographs and sculptures.
Thousands of newspaper vending boxes around the City - whether dispensing their material for free or offering them
for sale - would also be required to submit to any permit applied to artists. If as threatened the City were to change
the 1982 law exempting literature vendors from any license or permit, handing out a leaflet about Jesus, registering
people to vote or simply holding up a cardboard sign would require a permit.
The purpose of the First Amendment’s guarantee of unabridged freedom of speech is to keep the government from
being in a position to decide who can speak and who can not speak. A system of permits for free speech guarantees
that the government will have all the power it needs to do exactly that.
While many think a permit is about getting or giving permission, the exact opposite is true. The only purpose of a
permit is to be able to deny permission, as Mayor Giuliani has demonstrated on countless occasions. Freedom of
speech can only exist if we are free to speak without getting permission from anyone, least of all from the very
government officials we are likely to find ourselves criticizing.
Can one imagine Giuliani granting me a permit to sell my portraits of him outside City Hall? Can reporters doubt that
the Mayor who banned them from press conferences might not ban their newspaper from obtaining a permit to set up
vending boxes on the street or that having denied elected officials the right to hold a press conference on the steps
of City Hall he would hesitate to deny freedom of speech to those with no media access or political power?
Giuliani will be leaving office shortly, but his so-called legacy will continue to be debated and disputed for many years
to come. In order for that debate to even be possible the full First Amendment right’s guaranteed by the U.S. and NY
State Constitution’s and reinforced by the 1982 free speech exemption from all permits and licenses must be upheld.
Lederman v Giuliani did exactly that and that is why The Mayor and Commissioner Stern are so anxious to have it
overturned. Please use your freedom of speech to help us keep them from doing that.
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The Ten Commandments: A Sequel
In the biblical account, lightning flashed in the sky and thunder boomed around Mt. Sinai. The entire mountain shook,
and a horn blared out. The people trembled as Moses approached and ascended the cloud-covered summit. He
emerged, after a personal encounter with God, carrying two stone tablets on which were engraved the Ten
Commandments.
In light of this story, the religious nature of the Decalogue would seem to be beyond question. The list of commands
itself bears this out: At least four of the decrees deal with specific matters of faith, admonishing believers to spurn
false gods, reject graven images, avoid blasphemous speech and keep the Sabbath holy.
But to Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, the Ten Commandments don’ necessarily have to be religious. According to
Rehnquist, they are also a document that has played a "foundational role...in secular, legal matters" that can be
featured in a city’ "celebration of its cultural and historical roots" without becoming "a promotion of religious faith."
Rehnquist’ comments were made public May 29, when the Supreme Court issued an order stating that it would not
hear an appeal of a lower court ruling striking down the government’ display of a granite Ten Commandments
monument in Elkhart, Ind. Rehnquist dissented from that action, and joined by Justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin
Scalia, made it clear that he believes the court should have overturned the ruling, clearing the way for government at
all levels to display the Ten Commandments.
Justice John Paul Stevens, an advocate for church-state separation, found the trio’ reasoning convoluted. He noted
that the monument in Elkhart contains two lines in large type that read, "THE TEN COMMANDMENTS I AM the LORD
thy GOD." Observed Stevens, "The graphic emphasis placed on those first lines is rather hard to square with the
proposition that the monument expresses no particular religious preference." After all, he continued, "the monument
also depicts two Stars of David and a symbol composed of the Greek letters Chi and Rho superimposed on each
other that represent Christ."
A few years ago, a handful of Religious Right organizations announced campaigns to get the Ten Commandments
posted in government buildings and public schools all over the United States. The Supreme Court’ decision not to hear
the City of Elkhart v. Books case should help bring those efforts to a halt.
But it won’ happen without a fight. Religious Right organizations were infuriated when the high court took a pass on
the Indiana case and have vowed to find other ways to bring the matter before the justices. And they may have the
chance at least 12 cases dealing with Ten Commandments displays are pending in seven states. (See
"Commandments Controversies," page 13.) Meanwhile, in Elkhart, city officials are toying with open defiance.
Ironically, the monument that has sparked so much fuss was until a few years ago covered with weeds and vines.
Many town residents didn’ even know it was there until a groundskeeper cleaned it off one day in 1998.
The monument had found a home in front of the Elkhart City Hall four decades earlier as a tie-in for a promotional
campaign for a movie Hollywood producer Cecil B. DeMille’ biblical extravaganza "The Ten Commandments."
DeMille’ involvement grew out of a nationwide campaign first launched in 1943 by E.J. Ruegemer, a Minnesota juvenile
court judge and head of a Fraternal Order of Eagles (FOE) committee dealing with the problems of youth. Ruegemer
claimed that many of the young people who ended up in his courtroom lacked a moral foundation, and he proposed
posting paper copies of the Ten Commandments in juvenile courts to rectify that.
DeMille got wind of Ruegemer’ project as he was working on his epic film, which starred Charlton Heston as Moses.
DeMille, eager to drum up publicity for the 1956 movie, proposed displaying bronze tablets instead of paper copies,
but Ruegemer felt that granite markers would be more appropriate, arguing that the original Ten Commandments were
probably made of stone. DeMille agreed and authorized Ruegemer to contract with a Minnesota granite firm to begin
production. Eagles units soon began donating them to cities around the country.
DeMille carefully exploited the situation to ensure maximum publicity for his movie, and some of the monument
dedications were even timed to tie in with the release of the film. In one town, Dunseith, N.D., actor Heston appeared
personally for the ceremony. In Milwaukee, a Ten Commandments monument was unveiled the same week the film
debuted, with actor Yul Brynner Pharaoh in the movie on hand for the festivities.
Ruegemer, 98 and still living in Minnesota, told the South Bend Tribune in May that the Eagles were at first wary of
taking on the project, fearing that it might be perceived as sectarian. To get around that, organizational leaders asked
Catholic, Protestant and Jewish representatives to come together and decide on how to word and list the
commandments in a way that was agreeable to all. (Roman Catholics, Protestants and Jews use different versions of
the Ten Commandments. For example, in the Catholic version, the fourth commandment is "Honor your mother and
father." In the Protestant and Jewish versions, it is "Remember the Sabbath and keep it holy.")
Thanks to the DeMille-Eagles partnership, more than 2,000 Ten Commandments monuments were donated to
communities around the country. The FOE kept the project going long after the film opened, and some monuments did
not get erected until 10 years later. Elkhart’ monument was dedicated on Memorial Day of 1958, when local
Protestant, Jewish and Catholic clergy in Elkhart, joined by FOE officers and city officials, unveiled it at a public
ceremony.
Four decades passed. In 1998, when the monument was rediscovered, it immediately became a focus of controversy
and the target of a lawsuit by the American Civil Liberties Union. A federal district court ruled against the ACLU, but
the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals took the opposite tack.
In its Dec. 13, 2000, decision, the appellate panel insisted that government display of the religious text violates the
constitutional separation of church and state, suggesting that some faith traditions are officially favored.
Court precedents "simply prevent government at any level from intruding into the religious life of our people by
sponsoring or endorsing a particular perspective on religious matters," observed the 2-1 majority. "It prevents, as
Justice O’onnor has pointed out, government from creating among our people ‘ns’and ‘uts’on the basis of religion."
Monument defenders, disappointed with the appeals court’ decision, urged the Supreme Court to take the case. But
the court said no over the strong objections of Scalia, Thomas and Rehnquist. (Four members of the high court must
agree to take a case in order to get the dispute on the docket.)
Why all the sudden interest in the Ten Commandments? Much of the activity stems from the Religious Right. At least
four organizations have been active in this area recently Liberty Counsel, TV preacher Pat Robertson’ American
Center For Law and Justice (ACLJ), the National Clergy Council and the Family Research Council (FRC).
Many of these organizations are still smarting from the Supreme Court’ 1980 Stone v. Graham ruling. In Stone, the
high court struck down a Kentucky law requiring the posting of the Ten Commandments in all public schools. Religious
Right groups may see the current crusade as a way to spark a new challenge to that holding and build public support
for their other political objectives.
The groups are also angry over more recent decisions by lower courts striking down government display of the Ten
Commandments. In 1994 the U.S. 11th Circuit Court of Appeals ordered officials in Cobb County, Ga., to remove a
Ten Commandments display from the courthouse. In addition, Americans United has won legal cases against
government display of the Ten Commandments in Charleston, S.C., and Manhattan, Kan.
Undaunted by the string of legal defeats, FRC, a group loosely affiliated with radio counselor James C. Dobson’ Focus
on the Family, launched a special Ten Commandments project in November of 1999. Called "Hang Ten," the effort was
designed to encourage state and local governments to post the Decalogue at government buildings and public
schools as well as win passage of the "Ten Commandments Defense Act," legislation sponsored by Rep. Robert
Aderholt (R-Ala.) that would have stripped the federal courts of their ability to even hear legal cases challenging
government-sponsored Ten Commandments displays.
FRC announced the "Hang Ten" campaign with much fanfare, but the project hasn’ achieved much so far. Aderholt’ bill
has never come to a vote in the House, and the crusade is going nowhere in the courts. Nevertheless, Religious Right
leaders have vowed to keep fighting. On the day the Supreme Court refused the Elkhart case, several released
statements blasting the court action.
Falwell, in his Falwell Confidential bulletin, asserted that "people of faith across the nation were disheartened" by the
action. The Lynchburg televangelist went on to claim that "activist judges are deliberately ignoring the actuality of
America’ founding an actuality of dependence on the Bible and Judeo-Christian values."
The day after the high court rejected the case, ACLJ founder Robertson ranted about the justices’action on his "700
Club" program. The Virginia Beach televangelist called the action "the craziest thing" and wasted no time launching an
attack on church-state separation.
Asserted Robertson, "There’ nothing in the Constitution that ever intended this, nor and this is very important the
phrase ‘eparation of church and state’does not appear in the United States Constitution. It was in the Constitution of
the former Soviet Union, but not in the U.S. Constitution."
Robertson insisted that Congress should stand up to "the power of the black-robed justices." Congress, he said, "can
take away their money. They can also take away their appellate jurisdiction if they so choose, because the
Constitution gives that power."
The ACLJ, which helped defend the city of Elkhart and has worked on other Ten Commandments cases, issued a
bland statement expressing disappointment. Earlier, however, the organization had bitterly criticized groups like
Americans United for opposing such displays. In a shrill fund-raising letter mailed in March, ACLJ Chief Counsel Jay
Sekulow asserted that court action against government display of the Ten Commandments could put the country on a
"‘lippery slope’toward moral ruin."
Religious Right legal groups have prodded local officials to continue fighting for the commandments, despite the
prevailing legal trend.
Even in Elkhart, resistance remains. Local officials have pledged to find a way to keep the Ten Commandments
monument in place. Mayor David Miller, a 44-year-old graphic artist who has led the campaign to defend the marker,
told reporters, "I will fight to keep the monument standing right where it is."
During the legal battle, Miller went so far as to design pro-monument bumper stickers and led a petition drive to keep
the commandments up. With his final legal appeal exhausted, Miller has proposed adding other types of historical
documents and markers around the monument, which he argues will make the display constitutional.
Attorneys at the Indiana branch of the ACLU disagree and have proposed moving the monument to private property.
U.S. District Judge Allen Sharp has been given the task of finding a solution. Sharp has been directed by the 7th
Circuit Court of Appeals to ensure that "although the condition that offends the Constitution is eliminated, Elkhart
retains the authority to make decisions regarding the placement of the monument." (One suggestion involves selling
the monument and the land around it to a private group.)
An Internet poll sponsored by the Elkhart Truth newspaper found that 71 percent of respondents favored leaving the
Ten Commandments where it is. Although such polls are not scientifically valid, city leaders insist that the
overwhelming majority of residents oppose moving the marker.
Like the residents of Elkhart, most Americans, polls show, favor the idea of government promotion of the Ten
Commandments. One survey, conducted in July of 1999, found 74 percent endorsing the idea of Ten Commandments
displays in public schools. But those polls also show widespread ignorance about what the commandments say. A few
years ago, a Gallup poll found that only 42 percent of Americans are able to name even five of the Ten
Commandments.
Since most Americans don’ know what the commandments say, it’ not surprising that many of them persist in
believing that the Decalogue is the basis for U.S. law. In Elkhart, for example, one official asserted that the
monument should stay because the commandments, aside from their religious significance, have influenced secular
law.
"This has tons of historical significance," said John Mann, a spokesman for Mayor Miller. "Let’ say that hypothetically,
Moses got the Ten Commandments from aliens or just made them up or something. Still, they are the basis for every
modern legal system."
This claim, while frequently spouted by Religious Right activists, does not stand up to historical scrutiny, say
church-state experts.
Steven K. Green, legal director for Americans United, researched this question in 1999-2000 for a scholarly article
that appeared in the Journal of Law & Religion (Vol. XIV, No. 2). Green, who holds a Ph.D. in religious and
constitutional history, concluded that the claim that U.S. law is based on the Ten Commandments is usually asserted
and accepted as a given without historical evidence. For example, Chief Justice Rehnquist in his recent Elkhart
dissent, referred to "the foundational role of the Ten Commandments in secular, legal matters." But he cited no
precedent or scholarly authority for that view.
Green notes that American law is an outgrowth of British common law and "more generally, the Western legal
tradition." Claims that the common law was based on the Bible, he says, were first put forth by scholar monks in the
Dark Ages, who were trying to defend the supremacy of the Roman Catholic Church over temporal governments. The
claim is shaky at best, Green writes, pointing out that the common law "relied primarily on custom."
Green also discovered that America’ Founding Fathers adopted only that portion of British common law that "was
consistent with republican ideals." He writes of the Founding period, "[I]t is not surprising that express references to
the Decalogue or scripture as a source of law were nonexistent."
Even a cursory reading of the Constitution debunks the claim that U.S. law is based on the Ten Commandments. The
Constitution contains no religious directives whatsoever and makes no mention of the Ten Commandments or even
God. The Constitution, a secular document, instead establishes religious freedom for all by separating church and
state in the First Amendment. In addition, both Thomas Jefferson and John Adams explicitly denied that Christianity is
the basis for American common law.
(And, despite frequent repetition by the Religious Right, there is no evidence that James Madison ever stated, "We
have staked the whole future of American civilization...upon the capacity of each of us to govern ourselves according
to the Ten Commandments of God." This quotation pops up repeatedly in Religious Right circles, but it is almost
certainly bogus.)
AU’ Green concluded that arguments that U.S. law is based on the Ten Commandments or any religious code are
specious. "At best, the most that could be said about the relationship of the Ten Commandments to the law is that the
former has influenced legal notions of right and wrong...," Green concluded. "[T]hat has always been a
noncontroversial fact. But to insist on a closer relationship or to hold the Ten Commandments up as having a special
place in the development of American law lacks historical support."
Americans United Executive Director Barry W. Lynn said Green’ research proving that the Ten Commandments are not
the foundation of the American legal system will be extremely useful. Green’ scholarship, said Lynn, shows that there
is no "secular purpose" for government display of the Ten Commandments.
Concluded Lynn. "There’ an easy solution to this controversy: Let religious groups promote the Ten Commandments.
The government should stay out of it." |
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Dead Letter Office
Heil Bush,
Dear Propaganda Ansager Novak,
Congratulations you have just been awarded the Vidkun Quisling Award for 2001. Your name will now live throughout history with such past award winners as Marcus Junius Brutus, Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arnold, Vidkun Quisling and last year's winner Volksjudge Antoni (light-fingers) Scalia.
Without your help shilling for us, spinning the truth, telling out right lies and ignoring the real news, holding onto power after our Coup D' Etat would have been impossible. With the help of our mutual friends, the other "Media Whores," you have made it possible for all of us to goose-step off to a brave new bank account.
Along with this award there will be an Iron Cross 2nd class presented by our glorious Fuhrer Herr Bush at a gala celebration in der Wolf's Lair (formerly Rancho de Bimbo) on 9-03-2001. We salute you Herr Novak! Sieg Heil!
Signed,
Heil Bush
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In the Fleecing of America category, the special prosecutor in charge of the Henry Cisneros case is still at work, at a
cost of more than $2 million a year to the taxpayers. This same special prosecutor spent $10 million getting Henry C.
to plead to a misdemeanor count for which Cisneros paid a $10,000 fine: his legal involvement in the case is now at
an end, there are no more charges against him.
The prosecutor, David Barrett, has since spent another $5 million. Henry C. left his position as secretary of housing
and urban development in 1997: Barrett has now been investigating years longer than Cisneros served in the Cabinet.
The case, you may recall, involved the fact that Cisneros had an affair, a matter that was public knowledge before he
went to Washington.
He had also agreed to pay his former mistress to help support her daughter from a previous marriage, also a matter of
public knowledge. The case revolved around whether Henry C. told the FBI how much money he had sent the woman
in question. Four years after Barrett's investigation began, he copped the misdemeanor plea, so we have justice at
last. Barrett prosecuted Cisneros' former mistress for bank fraud, and she served 18 months in prison. President
Clinton pardoned both of them.
So, here we are with this tireless Inspector Javert still in hot pursuit of evildoing two years after Congress killed the
special prosecutor law that allows him to continue. Meanwhile, Cisneros is back in San Antonio creating innovative
new public-private approaches to cure urban sprawl and to provide affordable housing. You may recall that even the
most rabid Republicans thought he was an excellent secretary of housing.
But just to prove that the Bush II administration believes in redemption, Elliott Abrams, whom you may recall from the
glorious Iran-contra scandal, was convicted for lying to Congress about that mess, which had slightly more impact on
people's lives than Cisneros' affair.
For those of you who weren't paying attention at the time, the executive branch of the United States government was
illegally selling arms to Iran and using the proceeds to illegally fund a right-wing insurrection in Nicaragua against a
government we didn't like. A lot of people died.
Elliott Abrams was convicted on two misdemeanor counts of lying to Congress--former Rep. Jack Brooks of Texas
said at the time Abrams "took more pride in not knowing anything than anybody I ever saw." Abrams was also
involved up to his eyebrows in funding the right-wing death squads in Guatemala (100,000 dead) and El Salvador
(70,000 dead). He was one of several Iran-contra figures pardoned by George I at the end of his presidency.
Abrams now holds a senior position on the White House National Security Council, where it is to be hoped he won't
take a dislike to anyone in Latin America. It is the first time a high government official pardoned for criminal activity
by one president has been appointed to a high government position by another. Hope for Henry C.!
And lest we forget Florida, that state's Republican Party chairman, Al Cardenas, was recently quoted in an article for
The Weekly Standard on how he plans to handle the African-American vote in 2002: "We need to call into question the
African-American leaders and what they are saying," and to "question the credibility" of the leadership. Cardenas also
serves on the Republican National Committee's "New Voices, New Faces" program for minority outreach.
My favorite new Bushism: "I know what I believe. I will continue to articulate what I believe, and I believe what I
believe is right." And if he continues to articulate it that well, how happy we all shall be. The problem, of course, is not
what Bush believes but how well he can think.
The gush of stories that followed his minimalist decision on stem cell research dwelt on the deep cerebration involved,
the heavy ideation, the breadth of his intellectualization. Karen Hughes, one of President Bush's closest aides, even
waved a book Bush had actually read (!) at the press. He studied, he talked to many experts! He thought!
And then, this elephantine procedure produced . . . a mouse. A few people are going to make a lot of money out of
this decision. I'm hoping for the best, but remember, his last decision before that was to come home to Texas for the
month of August.
|

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Did gyre and gimble in the wabe; All mimsy were the borogoves, And the mome raths outgrabe~
"Curiouser and Curiouser" as Alice would say. I feel as though I’ve not only fallen down the
rabbit hole and stepped through the Looking Glass simultaneously, but now almost the
entire population has been taken over by the Pod People from Invasion of the Body
Snatchers. It was bad in November when I first made the observation that the Pod People
had arrived, but now it has gotten so much worse my brain is having a very hard time
accepting it.
What the Fuck is going on????
WHAT’S WRONG WITH THIS PICTURE:
- The Bogus POTUS is a man who refused to permit a legal vote count, and did
everything in his power to insure there wasn’t one. And the Media & citizens allowed it.
- The United States Supreme Court illegally took control of a national election, where
they have no jurisdiction, and disenfranchised the ENTIRE NATION, making a mockery of not
only the highest court in the land, but the judicial system itself. And the Media and citizens
allowed it.
- This ‘Selected’ administration is now in the process of doing everything in it’s power
to turn eight years of peace and prosperity into what? War and Poverty, all to repay the big
businesses that contributed to their campaign, no matter if it hurts the majority of the nation
– or the world - in the process, as long as it helps the wealthiest 1% - the other 99% can all
go to hell. And the Media and the citizens allowed it.
- The top Law Enforcement Officer of The United States - The Attorney General – has
just given the ok for a criminal probe of ALL of President Clinton’s last minute pardons – no
matter that the US CONSTITUTION says the Presidential Pardon is ABSOLUTE. Period. That
leads me to believe that the US Constitution is now obsolete, and they are writing their own
laws. And the MEDIA AND THE CITIZENS ARE ALLOWING IT.
Not only that, the Media is supporting it. There are also many in the GOP who are endorsing
all of the above behavior as if it is morally correct. To Cheat and lie is to be Closer to God
apparently.
I must have been mistakenly beamed to an alternate universe. I distinctly remember living in
a society where lying and bearing ‘false witness’ is a sin, and morally wrong. Where getting
a legal, correct total vote count was mandatory by law. Where the US Constitution was the
law of the land, and all who serve in public office take an oath to uphold that law.
I didn’t think there was that much money in the universe that could buy off so many people
and take them over to the Dark Side. I believed no one could buy conscience and faith.
Right is right and wrong is wrong. Love your neighbor. Don’t steal. Hold hands and look
both ways when you cross the street. Take care of each other. Don't sell illegal arms to the
enemy. Don't sacrifice integrity and safety for money. Apparently in this alternate universe
I’ve been sucked into none of these things are morally right. It truly is Looking Glass Land.
Well, I may be living in this new alternate universe, and I’m not sure how to get home. (I
know I don’t have any ruby slippers handy, (oops, wrong story) and I certainly haven't been
Queened yet.) But I do know where I’m from. I haven’t been invaded by the Pod People, I
don’t need special glasses to see "them", and I know that if I win the lotto I won’t be
seduced into changing my beliefs about what is right & wrong. Those things are still the
same in my heart, and no amount of money can buy my conscience, my faith, and most
certainly not my soul.
This edition we're proud to showcase the cartoons of Rayberry |



|
To End On A Happy Note ... He Won, But Why?
Sung to the tune of "As Time Goes By"
(instrumental intro)
Of this you must take note
When some go to the polls
Ballots in some towns awfully out of date
It's still the same old story
(instrumental break)
Of this you must take note
When some go to the polls
Ballots in some towns awfully out of date
It's still the same old story
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Activist Alerts "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing." ... Edmund Burke
http://www.orgop.org/OR2001-WesternLdrshpRegist.pdf
The Republican Leadership Conference has scheduled Katherine Harris, secretary of State, FL as a guest speaker
on Friday October 5th.
The "subjest" is VOTER FRAUD!! There is a registration form at the link above if anyone wants to attend & I
assume, learn how to commit voter fraud! Did you Florida voters know that there is a special provision in the new
Florida "Reform" to allow military to vote by FAX and WITHOUT BEING REGISTERED TO VOTE?!!
FOR FLORIDA VOTERS WHO ARE TIRED OF PAYING FOR KATHERINE HARRIS'S LUXURY TRIPS.....this is the info
given on the hotel. There are 160 luxury guest rooms at The Resort at the Mountain. Several other lodging places
are mentioned but:
Do you have any doubts as to where Katherine Harris will be staying? I would think that this is the time to write to the
unhonorable Sec. of State and tell her to pay her own damn bills. She was born with more money than God and we
should not have to pay for the flozzie to take luxury trips with Jebbie, Dubya, etc.
Something's rotten in Florida? Are we going to just sit idly by and do nothing?
Maggie
New Protests From Voter March
August 22, Wed., Voter March NY General Meeting
September 9, Hempstead, Long Island, NY, Scalia Protest
A protest is planned at the Hofstra University School of Law on Sunday,
September 9, where Antonin Scalia, one of the 5 Supreme Court Justices
who stopped the hand counting of votes in Bush v. Gore, will give a
keynote address at the Legal Ethics 2002 Conference. Scalia is scheduled
to be a speaker from 4:00 pm to 5:00 pm and at 6:00 pm there will be a
banquet in honor of Justice Antonin Scalia. The banquet will be at
Carlton on the Park at Eisenhower Park, near Hofstra University School of
Law. Hofstra University is located in Hempstead, Long island, about 25
miles east of Manhattan, less than an hour away by train or automobile.
September 24, Monday, United Nations, New York City
To protest Bush at his appearance and speech at the General Assembly of
the United Nations. We will gather before noon at Dag Hammarskjold
Plaza Park at 47th Street and First Avenue in Manhattan. Voter March has
a permit pending and is inviting all pro-democracy groups to join in
with this protest action. We will have a stage and sound system. For
additional information, contact info@votermarch.org
For updates and additional information on all these events, see
Voters March
SUPPORT THE OREGON DEMOCRATS' PROPOSAL TO IMPEACH THE FELONIOUS
FIVE!
Here's what you can do to help:
2. Contact your local and/or state Democratic Party office urging them to also
support the resolution.
3. Contribute to the Democratic Party of Oregon. We plan to continue to promote
this resolution and your contribution, no matter how small, will help us in this fight
for democracy. Click on Democratic Party of Oregon to send your support today!
Was it the worst Supreme Court decision in US history, as
American University Constitutional scholar Jamin Raskin has
suggested? Considering that Raskin is a staunch civil rights
advocate, the very thought that he would rank Bush v. Gore
lower than both the Dred Scott and Plessy rulings is instructive.
Nor does Raskin stand alone in his opinion of this judicial coup.
Justice John Paul Stevens: "One thing, however, is certain.
Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity
of the winner of this year's Presidential election, the identity of the
loser is perfectly clear. It is the Nation's confidence in the judge as
an impartial guardian of the rule of law. I respectfully dissent."
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "In sum, the Court's
conclusion that a constitutionally adequate recount is impractical is
a prophecy the Court's own judgment will not allow to be tested.
Such an untested prophecy should not decide the Presidency of the
United States. I dissent." And related is the unsigned per curiam
decision of the Scalia 5, a transparent attempt to try to avoid
history's scarlet letter.
Hendrik Hertzberg, former presidential speechwriter: "The
election of 2000 was not stolen. It was expropriated."
David Kairys, Temple University: "We had a constitutional
crisis, and it was Bush v. Gore. History will not be kind."
Suzanna Sherry, Vanderbilt University: "There is really very little way to reconcile this opinion other than that
they wanted Bush to win."
Jeffrey Rosen, legal scholar: "They have...made it impossible for citizens of the United States to sustain any
kind of faith in the rule of law as something larger than the self-interested political preferences of William
Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Anthony Kennedy, and Sandra Day O'Connor."
Randall Kennedy, Harvard University: "But we should also insist that there be no confirmation for Scalia-like
champions of the right-wing agenda. The Supreme Court has hurt its own reputation by wrongly intervening to
ensure the victory of George W. Bush. Those who abhor what the Court did should say so and say so loudly and
clearly."
Jesse Jackson and John Sweeney: "But if it comes down for justices to the 14th amendment and the promise
of equal protection, one can only hope for the sake of the country that they consider how not counting all the votes
mirrors too closely the habits of heart and mind that brought us slavery and segregation--the original sins of our
nation that the equal protection clause sought to repair."
And, of course, Vincent Bugliosi, prosecutor of Charles Manson and author of several bestselling true-crime
books, in The Betrayal of America: ". . . the Court committed the unpardonable sin of being a knowing surrogate
for the Republican Party instead of being an impartial arbiter of the law.... [The Court searched] mightily for a
way, any way at all, to aid their choice for president, Bush, in the suppression of the truth, finally settling, in their
judicial coup d'État, on the untenable argument that there was a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal
protection clause..."
Recent polls indicate the public's growing dissatisfaction with the results of the Scalia Five's decision. A survey
conducted by the Pew Research Center and Princeton Survey Research Associates (June 13-17) showed George
W. Bush's job approval rating at just 50 percent, down six points from March; the New York Times survey with
CBS News (June 14-18) put the rating at 53 percent, down seven points from March. And Democracy Corps's
Greenberg Quinlan Rosner poll (June 11-13) found that 48 percent of likely voters think the nation is currently on
the "wrong track." Perhaps most tellingly, 25 percent of voters in the Democracy Corps poll said that the phrase
"not really elected President" describes Bush "very well," with another 15 percent saying that it describes him
"well"--in other words, six months after the Scalia Five coup, 40 percent of likely voters still believe Bush was not
really elected President.
What then, is to be done?
The least we can do is know our own history, and to understand that what the Injustices did was an insult to the
dreams and ideals of Lexington and Concord, Valley Forge and Jefferson and Paine, Gettsyburg and Lincoln and
Douglass, Selma and King, Seneca Falls and Anthony, Delano and Chavez, Flint and Debs and Lewis. We can
bear witness to injustice, in the nonviolent protest tradition of Thoreau, Gandhi, King, Havel, Robinson, Chavez.
The Scalia Five's judicial coup came down on the second Tuesday last December. So, on the second Tuesday of
July, July 10, 2001, the Tuesday after the Pro-Democracy Convention in Philadelphia, the Tuesday between
Independence Day and Bastille Day, the Institute for Policy Studies and friends are calling for a peaceful,
nonviolent vigil at the Supreme Court building, at noon.
On July 10--and each Tuesday at noon from then on--let's gather at the scene of the crime, and bear witness to the
truth. The Scalia Five won't be there; but we should be.
Bring a candle or a bell, like the Czechs a decade ago. Bring a copy of the Voters' Bill of Rights, or the US
Constitution. Send an e-mail to all your friends, with your favorite quote from this list. Bring Pablo Neruda's and
Marge Piercy's poems. Bring the next generation, so they will never forget. Bring your commitment to restore,
rebuild, and expand American democracy. The Supreme Court cheated. Democracy lost. For now.
This ultra-conservative group needs donations! Lend them a helping hand by sending them a few $100 or $1000 bills ... Confederate ones! Click
here to print or download the bills. Send them to other right-wing groups as well!
And if you still want to annoy the Heritage Foundation, you can always go to their
online donation form as soon as you try to leave the page, a pop-up window appears asking why you decided not to donate. Give them an explanation, but remember to be polite!
We, the undersigned voters, know that our cherished democracy is endangered from
within by the grave and potentially fatal flaws in our voting systems exposed by the
Presidential Election of 2000.
As our elected representatives, you have the duty, the opportunity, and the privilege to
correct these flaws and to restore fair and honest elections throughout our nation. To this
end, we charge you to construct and pass a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS, which shall
include:
Strict enforcement and extension of the Voting Rights Act to prevent the
disenfranchisement of voters and require full investigation and criminal prosecution of
any offenders;
Standardized, easily understandable federal election ballots
Funding to replace old and unreliable voting machines to ensure that every vote is
counted fairly and accurately
Genuine campaign finance reform that bans campaign contributions from special
interests
Replacement of the Electoral College with a majority-rule election, or substantial reform
of the Electoral College to allow for proportional representation
Measures to increase voter participation by eliminating bureaucratic hurdles to voter
registration and turnout, including language barriers, physical barriers, archaic
equipment, and lack of resources
Enactment and enforcement of a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS will restore trust in our
government and encourage participation in our democratic processes. The linchpin of a
democracy is the process by which we select our representatives and leaders. The right
to vote is our defining right as citizens of this nation. We call upon our elected
representatives to protect our Constitution from abusive exercise of government power
by enacting a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS.
We pledge our full and constant support for enactment of a VOTERS BILL OF
RIGHTS.
It is likely that 50% of the U.S. population is strongly dissatisfied with
the ascendancy of George W. Bush to the office of President. There are
three likely reasons:
In the interest of democracy, one could discredit election gripes (point
number one) as being unfair to our longstanding electoral college process..
Also, one might disregard Bush’s agenda (point number two) because the
hallmark of the United States Constitution is tolerance for divergent
political and moral beliefs.
However, point number three leads to a more egregious problem, namely that a
rather anonymous man, with no distinguishing ambition or vision has, by
virtue of family wealth and connection, been installed as President of the
United States. Even the most cursory glance at George W. Bush’s history and
character builds a strong case for charges of nepotism and cronyism. Such a
glaring display of favoritism, to benefit an individual with no considerable
talent, runs counter to the spirit of competition and fair play that has
driven the engine of American capitalism for more than two hundred years.
There is a way to tangibly and immediately raise a voice in protest of
George W. Bush as President. For the remainder of his term, conscientious
Americans should simply write "George W. Bush is an Idiot" on all U.S.
currency that passes through their hands.
This protest has already begun. The first bills were marked and spent in
San Francisco as of January 26, 2001. What is important, though, is to not
only begin marking all currency (and to continue the effort throughout the
Bush presidency), but to forward this memo as much as possible so as to
replicate the message throughout our money supply.
In an effort to mark money more industriously, many of us have ordered a
BUSH IS A FRAUD rubber stamp; these self-inking rubber stamps are useful for
marking the "Fraud" message in red ink.
Make your voice heard, Top twenty Republican donors with global consumer brands:
1 Philip Morris - $4,554,732
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Parting Shots...
From: GWB
Biology is a strange and terrible thing. I'm just glad I don't have nothin' to do with it.
All a' this consternation about "stem cells", and my own courageous side-steppin' on the
issue, brings back a recent strange experience - maybe the strangest one a' my
presidential period.
It was this July - Friday the 13th, to be exact. I had a' go to a meetin' at the Rayburn
House with Tom DeLay and some a' the other members a' my unofficial congressional
advisory group. It was a strange day for a Washington July - not hot or bright like it usual
is. Ever'thin' was foggy and gray like a old-time movie. The air was grisly and damp. It
seemed to cut right through me.
We took the limo. It hadn't rained, but the streets was wet and shiny like it had. There
weren't no people on the streets, just a few lonesome dogs lopin' down the sidewalks.
Ever' now and then a car 'd go by. At one a' the intersections, a mangy retriever come up
to the car and looked at me hard through the window. His eyes was orange and wild.
A odd thing happened when we got to the Rayburn. As the driver opened the door, a
small brown bird flew inside the limo, and proceeded to lose its mind: flappin' wildly
ever'where, swoopin' crazy-like back and forth, dashin' and bashin' against the windows,
frantic to get out.
But his frantic wasn't no way as big as mine, 'cause it occurred to me right off that this
might be some kinda terrorist trick. It'd be just like them bastards to put a bomb in a blue
jay or somethin' like that. I was tryin' to smash it with my briefcase so hard I broke a
window, and all a' my papers fell out. I was shoutin' at the Secret Service, "Shoot the bird!
Shoot the bird!". One a' the agents reached behind her back to get her gun, but another
one stopped her and just opened the other door, and the bird flew out straight away.
There was feathers and papers ever'where.
After that I was not in a good frame of mood. And the sight a' the Rayburn House didn't
help none.
The Rayburn is where a lotta Congress folk got their offices, and on most days it looks like
a splendid old government buildin': big and white and roomy, with proper columns in front,
lots a' grass and flowers all 'round. Very pretty, usually, but not today. Today it looked
dreadful. In the gray light it was hard to tell where the buildin' left off and the sky began.
The walls had a damp, greasy look to 'em, and for the first time I noticed that they had
fantastical creatures engraved on them; slimy, repulsive things worse than them gargoyles
we saw in Europe. It was very omenizin'. I didn't wanna stay outside, but I wasn't keen to
go in, neither.
The meetin' was held in the "Usher" conference room, just down the hall from Tom's office.
Ever'body was waitin' for me: DeLay, Lott, Dick A, and the rest. We said our good mornin's,
and got down to business.
Mostly they talked about upcomin' votes on Arctic National drillin', and Patients' Rights. But
Tom was real worked up on clonin' and stem-cells, and kept bringin' the talk back to them
things. He asked me how Dick C and Karl was comin' with my big deliberation on fundin'
cell research. I told him they was makin' pretty good progress, and that I'd know what I'd
decided in prob'ly a few weeks.
After the meetin' Tom said he understood we couldn't politically outright reject the
research, but that we might appear to okay it, and then tie it up with a lotta impossible
rules. I said that seemed to be where Dick and Karl was takin' it.
"The only problem," Tom said, "Is that even limited research can make a breakthrough, if
they cure just one diabetic or MS patient, we're finished."
"Finished" seemed to be a hard word to use in this case. I asked him why a cure would
necessary be a bad thing. He looked at me for a long moment; like he was makin' up his
mind. Then he said, "There's something you ought to see. But this is to remain our secret.
I'll let Dick and Karl know about it when it's time. But until then I don't want you talking
about it to anyone, understood?". I told him nobody would get anythin' outta me, that he
could consider my mind a closed door. He said to come with him, and I said "Sure".
What I wanted to say, a' course, was "Hell no", turn around and get outta there,
'cause...well, there just ain't no nice way to say this, I don't like Tom. The way I see it,
there's two kinds a' fellas: one is the kind you like to hang out with, easy-goin', good-time
fellas who you feel natural and comfortable around.
Tom is the other kind. Don't nobody I know feels easy around Tom. Mostly 'cause he ain't
predictable. You never know quite what Tom's gone a' say or do. Like the time he
explained his not servin' in Vietnam by sayin' so many black and Hispanic boys had
enlisted, that there wasn't no room left for patriotic white boys like him.
Plus he seems to get into a awful lotta trouble with the law, too - a lotta allegations and
investigations regardin' extortion, influence peddlin' and perjury. And a lotta organizations
are suin' him right and left so they can get to his records and discover new stuff he done
wrong. All in all, he's a pretty creepy boy. Somebody once described Tom as "a shiver
lookin' for a spine to run up." But the way I put it is he's a hand grenade with a pulled pin,
and I don't want a' be around him when the likely happens.
So you can see that goin' off with Tom didn't strike me as bein' a day in paradise. But, as
the sayin' goes, he may be crazy but he ain't stupid. And in only a few years he's got to be
too important to ignore. So there wasn't nothin' to say against it, and we got on the
elevator, and took it down to the second basement.
It was dark down there. It was dark and cold. We walked a ways down a echoin' corridor
until we come to a gate which Tom had a key to. Then we walked some more, turnin' this
way and that, until at last we come to what I thought was just a brick wall. But Tom pulled a
plastic card outta his wallet and, after checkin' to make sure nobody was watchin', waved it
at the wall, and part a' the bricks slid back to show a big metal door. Tom waved another
card at that, and it pulled back too.
What was behind the second door was like somethin' outta the "The Count a' Monty
Crisco". In front a' us was a gray stone spiral staircase that seemed to drop down for so
long you couldn't proper see where it ended.
As we started down the stairs, Tom said "This sub-basement is the last remnant of the old
mansion that used to be here before they put up the Rayburn House in the early sixties.
Practically no one knows it's here".
And if they did know, I couldn't see why they'd care. As my girls is fond a' sayin', the place
was "gross". The air was thick and damp, like wet cotton - I could hardly breathe - and it
got thicker as we went down. The walls was wet like they'd been cryin', and if you touched
them they felt thick and sticky. And the stairs was patchy with a thick moss that sucked at
your feet, and at the same time was so slick that you were always in danger a' slippin' that
whole long way down.
I could see where it was exactly the kinda place Tom might like.
By the time we got to the bottom, my legs was tremblin'. My skin felt clammy and cold. The
muggy air was still, and there wasn't a single sound except our breathin'. But, somehow, I
couldn't get past the feelin' that we wasn't alone.
"Tom," I said, "I can't get past the feelin' that we ain't alone."
In the thin light I could see that twisted little half-smile a' his. "Well, in a manner of
speaking, we aren't," he said, and turned on a dim light over a long, low table, in the
center of which there was six glass...bells, I guess you'd call 'em. And then I looked close
and I seen it: each a' them bells had a little man in it. And then I looked closer, and I
come to realize that they was all little Tom DeLays, each one a exact copy of the man
standin' right next to me.
And they was each doing somethin' different. One was sittin' in a tiny little chair, readin' a
newspaper. Another was standin', sayin' what looked to be a speech, but you couldn't
hear him through the glass. Another 'peared to be yellin' at the little DeLay in the bell next
to him. And a couple wasn't doin' nothin' just starin' into the empty with dead eyes.
"Really something, huh?" he said.
It was that.
At first I couldn't hardly say nothin'. Finally I choked out, "What...is this, Tom?"
"They're me, George," he said proudly, "Flesh of my flesh and spirit of my spirit. Each one
a perfect clone of me."
I started to feel the room spinnin'. "But, I thought you didn't believe in this kinda thing,
Tom. I thought you was dead against this kinda thing."
He looked a little put-out with me. "You don't get this, do you George? That's why I wanted
you to see this." He jabbed his forehead with a finger, "Think George! Think! Go out in a
crowd anywhere in America today. Two out of every three people you see now will be
named 'Chan' or 'Jackson' or 'Julio' or "Ahmed' or something. Do you get it, George?
We're being out-produced, boy! We're becoming obsolete! And being moral men, we
can't keep up in the...uh...natural way. Our only hope is to use technology to gain an
edge. If we let everybody have this, we're right back to the starting line!"
He walked around the table and pointed to a long row a' test tubes with rubber caps and
labels on 'em. "What you see here represents two years of work. These clones have been
deliberately restricted to the size you see here, but we can make as many full-sized
replicas as we want. We don't have to wait for the...uh...natural processes. We can create
full adults instantly, without having to go through all that...uh...other stuff!"
"But, Tom, I thought you said all this was evil science."
"Evil in the wrong hands, yes. But not in the hands of Godly men like us. That's why twenty
of us have come together to take on the arduous task of saving people like us. These test
tubes contain cell samples from each of them". I had already noticed some of the labels,
like "Lott", "Armey", "Hutchinson", "Barr", and so on.
In the damp air, his hair had sorta come undone. His upper lip was wet with sweat, and his
face and eyes was shiny. "Don't you see?" he almost shouted, "That's why we have to
stop the ungodly from getting their hands on this technology. If we don't, we're finished!"
"You and the others ain't' scientists, Tom," I said, "How'd you do all this?"
"Ah," he said, all excited, "We're working with a genius who understands the problem as
well as we do - Alberich Rheingold at the Niebelung Institute.
Uh, oh. I had had a few dealin's with Herr Dr. Rheingold myself, and ever' one had turned
to disaster. (Remind me to tell you someday about the Incident a' the Giant Rutabaga).
Tom had more chit-chat like this, but I wasn't really listenin' no more. I couldn't get outta my
mind the picture a' thousands a' Tom DeLays, all workin' together like in that Mickey Mouse
cartoon where the brooms kept multiplyin' and pourin' water all over creation. The more I
thought about it, the harder it got to breathe.
By this time, Tom was real worked up, and seemed to be in too delicate a state to
entertain an opposin' view - which I didn't know if I even had one. What I did know was
that just then I didn't want to say or do nothin' Tom might find aggravatin'.
'Cause it occurred to me that my Secret Service people was upstairs, and I was all alone
down here with Tom - and them. So, smilin' and noddin' a lot, I sorta grinned Tom over to
the stairs. I started up right away, and Tom followed - still talkin'. I admit I was a little scared
to look back at him, 'cause I wasn't sure what I'd see if I did.
Eventually we got outta the Rayburn, and Tom had come back to normal - or as close as
he was ever gonna get. We shook hands and he said, "I'm glad you know now, George.
We're going to need your help to succeed. This can work...if everyone does his part," and
he looked at me significant. I said, "You don't have to worry, Tom. I'm your man". He
smiled and said, "Yes. Yes you are, George." and walked off down the street.
My entire head was in a turmoil as we drove back to the WH. I couldn't sort ever'thin' out
right away. The only thing I could be sure about was a thought kept nibblin' at my mind:
All them test tubes with folk's cells in 'em? Not a one had my name on it.
Sleep tight, now. |



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