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Home To The World's Best Liberal Thought And Humor

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In This Edition
Robert Parry takes us on, "Bush's 'Crusade.'"
Greg Palast shows us, "Two Symbols Of American Capitalist Hegemony."
Jan Glidewell reminds us, "These Times Demand Reason, Not Blind Hate."
Joe Conason says, "Right, Left And Just Wrong."
Gene Lyons says the democrats back smirky in, "Toward The President Patriotic Tolerance."
Johnny Angel points out the obvious in, "It's The Oil."
Jacob Levich compares and contrasts in, "Bush's Orwellian Address, Happy New Year: It's 1984."
Robert Fisk explains why, "Bush Is Walking Into A Trap."
Barry Grey says what we've known all along, "New York Times, Washington Post Suppress Media Recount Of Florida Vote."
Andrew Sullivan wins the Vidkun Quisling Award
Bryan Zepp Jamieson explains, "Bipartisanship."
Ted Rall tells it like it is in, "If This Is Patriotism, Keep It."
And finally in "Parting Shots"
The Onion says, "Congressman Admits To Sexual Relationship," but first Uncle Ernie says he's a, "Constitutional Peasant."
This week we spotlight the cartoons of Ben Sargent with additional cartoons from Lowe, Mike Smith, Shakti, Tom Toles, Ted Rall, Tony Auth, Chris Whitehouse, GWBush Art, Chadsux and Political Strikes.
Plus we have all of your favorite departments! Welcome one and all to "Uncle Ernie's Issues & Alibis." We hope you enjoy your stay! |

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Arthur:
Old woman!
We got our first television set during the Korean War and I can barely remember watching it on TV but not knowing what it was about. To me the war coverage and the Washington Witch-Hunt trails were just other shows not much different than "I Love Lucy." I hadn't a clue what they were about but I knew my parents didn't like them.
Going to school in the 50's and early 60's was a trip into itself. Talk about being brainwashed by the government. We were taught love of god and country. We pledged the allegiance to 'Old Glory' every morning and were taught every day that we lived in the greatest democracy in the world. It was easy to believe for a child as we were taught to never question authority. Yes we lived in a little dream world until the 22nd of November 1963 when we got our bubble popped.
I remember watching Oswald get shot sitting watching the tube with my Grand Mother. Although it was 10 days before my 15th birthday I knew when I saw that there was something very wrong. By the time the Warren Report came out the next year I knew there was a conspiracy. Any doubts I had were dissipated when Kennedy’s head X-rays were locked up for 75 years. There was no doubt there was a cover-up going on. When I read the 'Warren Report' that settled that. Still the brainwashing was hard to break and so I enlisted in the Army and they soon removed the last vestiges of their mind control just the opposite of what they were doing to most of the rest of the kids. The service relies on children to do their killing as they aren't equipped as yet to deal with what’s happening to them. From that point forward I've never believed a single thing the government has ever said!
About the time I got out of the service they just gotten the Zapruder film of Kennedy's murder. Sure enough and as clear as a bell you could see Johns head snap backwards and his brains and such come out the back of his head in a vee shape. Whether it came from the 'Grassy Knoll' or the sewer grate he was definitely shot from in front of the Lincoln.
Because of this and Viet Nam I enrolled in school and started to study Political Science and history (if you will excuse the pun) in earnest. My first discovery was that all my teachers save one, from all of my previous schooling had been lying their asses off. My first discovery was this country wasn't and had never been a democracy. The Founding Fathers, which we had been taught to worship like demi-gods, had been a bunch of rich bastards who went out of their way to make sure we would never have a democracy and thus protect their fortunes. What we got and have had from time to time was a republic a little to the right of what Plato had in mind in his republic. Which is saying a lot when you consider what a Nazi Plato was.
Still a republic is good if the laws such as they are, are applied to everyone equally. I could live with the non-democratic way that we elect and have our Congressmen and Senators apportioned. Where I've always had my problems was with the Electoral College. This was the Founding Fathers ace in the hole. Five of our 6 non-elected rulers have used this little loophole to thwart the will of the people and like Smirky, play give away to their corporate pals. The other non-elected ruler was the traitor Gerald Ford, an old Warren Report alumnus who proved he knew how to take a bribe and was thus selected by the Trick to pardon him of his crimes against America and the world.
When Ford got away with his pardons I said enough is enough and dropped out of politics. It would take another coup d' etat to get me back involved.
Then sure enough along comes America's favorite 'Texas Prairie Monkey' and did just that. By this time it was too late to do anything about it. American Media had been bought and paid for and the opposition party was trying it's best to be a carbon copy of the Nazi's. So naturally I had to quit my life to start this ezine in what is no doubt a futile action to fight the new emperor and his empire. Still there is hope. I've found a whole underground of men and women and boys and girls who like myself would rather die than put up with this sedition and treason. In many ways with the Smirkster in the White House it's 1969 again and there is talk of the 'Third American Revolution.' Of course I watched my radical generation cut their hair and don a 3-piece suit and wing tips and become their reich-wing fathers as soon as they graduated. But what else could I do? I guess just like Dennis I'll just keep arguing with the King and looking for a better day. Keep the faith folks and keep raising hell whenever you can!
My historical horror novel, "The Red King's Horror" is currently running at my literary site. The first chapter comes up on October 1st with a new chapter on the first of each month. I'm going to leave the prolog up for the first month in case you haven't read it yet. Here's your chance to read it for free as the next time you see it, it will cost you about $30.00. Until next month Peace Y'all!
© 2001 Ernest Stewart
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Bush's 'Crusade' By Robert Parry In retaliation for the terror attacks on Sept. 11, George W. Bush is vowing to strike at a shadowy network of international terrorists reaching into 60 countries. He has called this coming war a "crusade" and has led his friends to believe that he views his new duty as a mission from God. "I think, in [Bush’s] frame, this is what God has asked him to do," a close acquaintance told the New York Times. "It offers him enormous clarity." According to this acquaintance, Bush believes "he has encountered his reason for being, a conviction informed and shaped by the president’s own strain of Christianity," the Times reported. [NYT, Sept. 22, 2001] Few Americans would disagree that violent retribution should be inflicted on the masterminds of the mass murders at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon – and on those who aided and abetted this crime that killed more than 6,000 people. The unsettling question, which so far few have been willing to voice, is whether Bush is up to this delicate, complex and dangerous job. Two weeks after the terrorist attacks, it appears that Bush still has little grasp of the long history of frustration that has met previous anti-terrorism campaigns. It's also unclear whether he recognizes the risks in the geopolitical tradeoffs involved in building an international coalition and the potential costs of an open-ended war. Bush’s limited sense of the history goes beyond his use of the word "crusade," which has a European connotation of chivalrous knights in shining armor driving the infidels out of the Holy Lands, but conjures up very different memories in the Islamic world, of a bloody Christian holy war against Arabs. In 1099, for instance, the Crusaders massacred many of the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Already, Osama bin Laden has seized on Bush’s gaffe to rally Islamic fundamentalists. A typed statement attributed to bin Laden called the coming war "the new Christian-Jewish crusade led by the big crusader Bush under the flag of the cross." Wars on Terrorism Bush’s short-term knowledge of history seems sketchy, too. Repeatedly, he has called this war on terrorism a new kind of conflict, the first war of the 21st Century. Yet, his father was vice president in the administration of Ronald Reagan that made combating terrorism a top priority of U.S. foreign policy, replacing the Carter administration’s hallmark of human rights. Reagan committed his administration to the war on terrorism in the wake of the Islamic revolution in Iran and the radical Arab nationalism of Libya’s Muammar Qaddafi. The Reagan era's war on terrorism met some success but also failure. Reagan created special counter-terrorism task forces and authorized the CIA to hunt down suspected terrorists in preemptive attacks that bordered on assassinations. Some administration hard-liners, such as CIA Director William J. Casey, sought to trace virtually all terrorism back to the Soviet Union, combining anti-communism with anti-terrorism. In Central America, the wars between right-wing governments and left-wing guerrillas also were squeezed under the umbrella of counter-terrorism, with Fidel Castro’s Cuba listed as a chief sponsor of the terrorism. To wage a joint war against "terrorism" and "communism" in Central America, the Reagan administration armed and backed military repression in El Salvador, Guatemala and other countries. Tens of thousands of Central American civilians were slaughtered in army sweeps of areas considered sympathetic to guerrillas, including massacres of Mayan Indians in Guatemala that a truth commission later deemed a genocide. The U.S.-backed armies also were linked to paramilitary "death squads" that murdered political dissidents, including labor leaders, academics, priests and nuns. The war on terrorism even led the Reagan administration to engage in terrorism itself, both in Central America and the Middle East. To punish Nicaragua’s leftist Sandinista government for aiding insurgents elsewhere in the region, the Reagan administration supported the Nicaraguan contra rebels, who earned a reputation for torture, rape and murder as they swept through towns in northern Nicaragua. One former contra director, Edgar Chamorro, described the contras’ practice of dragging captured government officials into town squares and executing them in front of the residents. American news outlets also reported on larger contra massacres of peasants picking coffee, presumably to discourage economic activity. [For details, see Robert Parry's Lost History] To counter disclosures of these atrocities, the administration created special propaganda teams that engaged in "public diplomacy" to persuade editors, producers and bureau chiefs to stop these kinds of stories and to remove journalists who filed the reports. Administration insiders called these largely successful public relations efforts "perception management." Today’s influential conservative news media is, in part, an outgrowth of those Reagan-era efforts. In George W. Bush’s new war on terrorism, the nation can expect a similar strategy for shaping public opinion. In the 1980s, the head of State Department's "public diplomacy" office, Otto Reich, is now Bush’s nominee to be assistant secretary of state for Latin America. Seeds of Violence In the Middle East, the counter-terrorism campaigns of the 1980s also veered into terrorism itself, with some of the central players of that era still holding center stage today. Under the leadership of then-Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982. The goal was to crush Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization, which was then widely regarded as a terrorist organization. Allied with right-wing Lebanese forces, Israeli troops forced the PLO to flee Lebanon. But Israel’s Lebanese allies then massacred Palestinian refugees at the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps, drawing U.S. Marines into Lebanon on what was initially a peacekeeping mission. Gradually, U.S. forces began siding with the right-wing Lebanese army as it mounted paramilitary attacks on suspected Muslim terrorists. The loss of neutrality worsened when the Reagan administration ordered the U.S.S. New Jersey to begin shelling Muslim villages in the mountains. Irate Muslims countered by launching a suicide bombing attack against the U.S. Marine barracks outside Beirut, killing 241 Marines. Though the surviving U.S. forces withdrew from Lebanon, the war of terror and counter-terror continued. In a 1985 strike against Hizbollah leader Sheikh Fadlallah, Casey helped finance an operation that included the hiring of operatives who detonated a car bomb outside the Beirut apartment building where Fadlallah lived. As described by Bob Woodward in Veil, "the car exploded, killing 80 people and wounding 200, leaving devastation, fires and collapsed buildings. Anyone who had happened to be in the immediate neighborhood was killed, hurt or terrorized, but Fadlallah escaped without injury. His followers strung a huge ‘Made in the USA’ banner in front of a building that had been blown out." The mixed experiences of the 1980s – and the efforts to contain terrorism that continued through the 1990s – should be both a guide and a warning as America seeks retribution against the perpetrators of the Sept. 11 mass murders. Tough Rhetoric To date, Bush has opted for tough rhetoric but relatively modest action, such as beefing up U.S. military forces near Afghanistan and tightening financial restrictions on money flows to groups considered friendly to bin Laden’s organization. The initial military phase of the retaliation appears likely to be special operations attacks aimed at bin Laden and his top lieutenants at their Afghan base camps, combined with aerial attacks against his Taliban allies who rule most of Afghanistan. As Bush moves forward, one of the few institutions that has applied some brakes to any rush toward war has been Wall Street. While joining in patriotic demonstrations, such as singing God Bless America before the start of trading on Sept. 17, institutional investors voted with their dollars when it came to showing confidence in the future U.S. economy. With war looming, the stock markets went into free fall. From Sept. 17 through Sept. 21, the Dow Jones industrial average plunged 14.3 percent, its biggest percentage weekly drop since the Great Depression. The sell-off reversed somewhat on Monday as the expectation of a hasty U.S. military action faded and investors moved in to pick up some stocks at bargain prices. A longer-term problem to big investors, however, is that the world that beckoned during the Clinton administration – one of rapidly advancing international cooperation with U.S. industry ideally positioned to profit from the growth – had receded since Bush’s inauguration. President Clinton pushed multilateral strategies around the world, including peace initiatives in the Middle East. In so doing, he presented the prospect of a world transforming into a single market. New technologies, such as the Internet, also created a sense that communication could transcend traditional national boundaries and bridge cultural divides. Faced with these new opportunities for growth, U.S. business prospered. Along with the expectations of rapid growth went the stock markets. During the Clinton administration, the Dow more than tripled, from about 3,200 to above 10,000. The technology-heavy Nasdaq more than quadrupled, even counting the dot-com losses last year. A Declining Economy Over the past eight months, that rosy future has darkened and the stock market has fallen. Instead of innovative technologies and alternative energy sources leading the way toward solutions to the world’s energy and environmental problems, the Bush administration has advocated drilling more oil and digging more coal. Instead of international strategies for addressing global problems, the Bush administration favored a go-it-alone approach, at least prior to Sept. 11. In 1999, the Seattle demonstrations against the World Trade Organization prompted the Clinton administration to begin addressing the inequities that came with the global economy. Clinton's team began work on international standards for environmental protections and labor rules. By contrast, the Bush administration has taken a staunchly free-market approach to free trade. Bush’s economists maintain that trade organizations should confine their attentions to trade issues and stay away from worldwide regulatory standards. Bush also repudiated the Kyoto global warming agreement in defiance of the European nations and Japan. Further offending longtime U.S. allies, Bush vowed to scrap the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, in favor of implementing Ronald Reagan’s dream of a missile shield. On the sensitive issue of the Middle East, Bush pulled U.S. diplomats away from negotiations seeking to stop the spiral of violence in Israel and the West Bank. He alienated pro-U.S. Arab states by directing his toughest criticism about the violence at Palestinian leader Arafat. On Sept. 3, U.S. representatives walked out on a United Nations anti-racism conference because a proposal was under discussion equating Israeli treatment of Palestinians with racism. Bush appeared to be implementing a foreign policy drawn from the most conservative commentators on the Op-Ed pages. The economic consequences of the Bush policies also had not been good. The economy teetered on the brink of recession, hundreds of thousands of jobs were eliminated, the non-Social Security budget surplus disappeared. Millions of Americans lost big chunks of their savings and retirement plans in the stock market drop. Even Bush’s wealthy backers have not been spared from economic misfortune. For instance, members of the wealthy Bass family of Texas – which built a fortune in oil and invested heavily in Bush's political career – were forced to sell a 6.4 percent stake of the Disney Company in what Wall Street insiders called a distress sale. [NYT, Sept. 21, 2001] If Bush's war on terrorism expands over the next several months, economists agree a full-scale recession could follow. Some estimates see unemployment soaring from the 4.5 percent range of the late Clinton years to about 7 or 8 percent. Though American investors had come to see the Dow 10,000 as a launching pad for higher growth, it may actually represent a level that was realistic only if the world continued coming together as a single marketplace. With that future fading, the Dow and other indexes might be expected to retreat as well, though probably not all the way back to the Dow 3200 of George H.W. Bush's administration. Open Societies Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan made a similar point about the value of world cooperation in congressional testimony on Sept. 20. He stressed the importance of the free flow of goods and ideas to future growth. "We have developed a really major and, in many respects, extraordinary economic system on a global basis in the last 10, 15 years, resting on technology and the free movement of people, capital goods. And most interesting enough, during the period we've seen increasing evidence that the interaction between economies has enhanced global growth, and, indeed, the growth of everybody," Greenspan said. "The openness of societies, the openness of economies are very crucial for economic growth, and they can be open only if they are not hampered by violence," the Fed chairman continued. "Violence is complete destruction of the institutions of free markets and of global economic systems." So, the inexperienced president now is faced with a two-pronged challenge: how to live up to his strong words about an unrelenting war on terrorism and how to do so without tanking the economy and creating deeper divisions in the world. Bush also must recognize that some of the tradeoffs in fighting terrorism can create potentially worse dangers. To gain support for isolating Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, for instance, Bush waived sanctions that had been placed on Pakistan and India for developing and testing nuclear weapons. The nightmare scenario is that one of those nuclear weapons – or one from the old Soviet stockpiles – will end up in the hands of a terrorist group intent on an even more dramatic attack on a major U.S. city. To date, Bush has drawn strength from the unity of the American people horrified by the mass murders of Sept. 11. He also has shown restraint in avoiding a rash retaliation that might have satisfied a thirst for revenge while killing innocent civilians in Afghanistan – and enflaming anti-American passions in the Middle East.
But Bush’s challenge now is to implement a measured – and effective – response to the Sept. 11 attacks. To do that, Bush must recognize the shades of gray that
have marked the path behind and surely will mark the struggle ahead.
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There’s two people you ought to know: Greg O’Neill and Clinton Davis. They are exceptionally
important because, according to Rana Kabbani, writing in my British sister paper The Guardian, they
are "two symbols of American hegemony." Technically, she was referring to the two towers of the World
Trade Center. But it was not American hegemony which fell 50 floors into horrid, crushing oblivion. Nor
was it just some architectural artifact which was instructed with the "painful lesson" about US foreign
policy described by Kabbani with unapologetic glee.
For four years, I’ve brought you tales from Inside Corporate America - from pig swill price-fixing
conspiracies ripping off Asia to Texas power pirates turning off the lights in Rio. And when the profit
hunt turned from goofy to cruel, I’ve told you the names of victims from Argentina to Tanzania. Now the
victims are inside America itself, from what US television hair-do Tom Brokaw, happy to play the
emblem game, called, "The symbols of American capitalism."
Davis worked in the basement of the Trade Center. O’Neill on Floor 52 of the South Tower. (And until I
started spending too much time in London, my office was on the 50th floor of the North Tower.)
Here’s what O’Neill did in Suite 5200. When the Exxon Valdez grounded, he fought British Petroleum
and Exxon to get compensation for the natives of Alaska. When he learned a power company had faked
safety reports on a nuclear plant, O’Neill, a lawyer, hit them with a civil racketeering suit and ultimately
helped put these creeps out of the nuclear business.
Davis worked in the cops’ division of the state’s Port Authority. Neither Davis nor O’Neill would be my
first choice for a symbol of US imperial might, to target for retaliation for "terror by Jewish groups," to
use Kabbani’s bone-head words.
If anything, the Trade Center was a symbol of American socialism. These towers were built by New
York state in the 1970s, when ‘government-owned’ became quite unfashionable in Britain. One tower,
still owned by Davis’ employer, the Port Authority, generates the revenue which pays the bonds which
keeps the city’s infrastructure – subways, tunnels, bridges, and more – out of the hands of the
ever-circling privatizers. Convincing capitalists that publicly-owned operations are as good an
investment bet as General Motors fell to government securities market-makers, Canter Fitzgerald
(100th floor, 700 workers, no known survivors).
I have a request for Britain’s Left. Today, George W. Bush is beating the war drum against Osama Bin
Laden, a killer created in our President’s very own Cold War Frankenstein factory. During the war in
Vietnam, thousands filled jails (including me) to resist it - we may have to again. It would help those of
us Americans ready to stop the killing machine if Europeans would stop the lecturing.
In a sickening but not unique commentary, The Guardian’s Seumus Milne wagged his finger at
Americans still gathering corpses. "They can't see why they are hated." He demands, as do too many
of my otherwise progressive colleagues, that Americans must ‘understand’ why O’Neill and Davis were
the targets of blood-crazed killers. Hey, if you’re government backs Israel, well, just get used to it,
baby.
(And what do you mean ‘they are hated,’ Seamus? When did the developing world fall in love with the
Imperial conquerors of Iraq, Palestine and the Khyber Pass?)
After London’s Canary Wharf was attacked, I don’t remember America’s Left suggesting this was a just
revenge for the Queen’s occupation of Ireland; a time to cuddle up to the berserkers with bombs.
Commentators like Kabbani and Milne have a great advantage over me. While Bin Laden hasn’t returned
my phone calls, they seem to know exactly the killers’ cause. We have to "understand" that the
terrorists don’t like America’s foreign policy. Well, neither do I. But I also understand that the bombers
are not too crazy about America’s freedom of religion nor equality of women under the law. And they’re
none to happy about our reluctance, despite televangelists’ pleas, that we cut off the hands of
homosexuals.
On my journalistic beat investigating corporate America, I’ve heard every excuse for brutality and
mayhem: "We met all the government’s safety standards," "We never asked for the military to use force
on our behalf." The excuses and bodies pile up.
Maybe I just have to accept that killing is in fashion again, for profit, for revolution, to protect American
interests or to take vengeance on American interests.
Baroness Thatcher thinks we should understand Pinochet; the Bush family ran their own little jihad
against Communism I was supposed to understand; now some Britons - sadly, the one’s I like and
respect most - want us to understand a new set of little Pinochets with beards.
Afghan-American Tamim Ansary suggests we understand victims, not victimizers. He wrote in a
personal note from Texas, "The Taliban are ignorant psychotics. When you think Bin Laden, think
Hitler." But now we come to the question of bombing Afghanistan back to the Stone Age. Trouble is,
says Amsary, "that's been done. Level our houses? Done. Turn our schools into piles of rubble? Done."
Bombing would just stir the ruins and kill crippled orphans the Taliban will abandon in Kabul.
To prevent an unelected US President from ordering up this new atrocity, grieving Americans don’t
need nasty admonitions about the causes, just or unjust, of our killers.
What’s missing is an alliance against the murder of civilians. Serbians themselves turned over
Milosevic. Why not demand that the Moslem world turn over Bin Laden and his hounds, not as part of a
give-him-up-or-we-blow-you-up ultimatum, but as a statement of our humanity and expectation of
theirs.
That terrible Tuesday evening, I had to call O’Neill’s home. He answered the phone. "My god, you’re
safe!"
O’Neill replied, "Not really." I hope that doesn’t disappoint Ms Kabbani.
Davis was safe too, in the towers’ basement. But he chose to go up into the building to rescue others.
Today, this symbol of American capitalist hegemony is listed as missing.
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![]() These Times Demand Reason, Not Blind Hate By Jan Glidewell © St. Petersburg Times This message is only for complete morons. Please find the one nearest you and either read it to him or her outright, or at least help with the big words. The next time you see me on the street you should spit on me. If you think you can pull it off, you should beat or murder me and then burn my house. Why? Because I am personally responsible for the April 19, 1995, explosion at the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City in which 168 people, 19 of them children, died. I must be responsible: I am Caucasian. I have blond hair and blue eyes. I served in the armed forces. That makes me just like Timothy McVeigh, and therefore I have no civil rights and no right to be treated like a human being, and you have no need to inquire further into my beliefs or life because the color of my skin tells you all you need to know. Sound insane? It's happening to Arabs, Indians, Pakistanis, Hispanics and even Asians every day because some intellectually challenged, misguided twits take it upon themselves to exact revenge for the acts of a very narrowly defined segment of society. That is mistake No. 1. We are all angry. Nobody normal could look at the images we have seen in the past 10 days and not be furious. But we remain a society ruled by laws, not by our emotions. And the reason for eschewing mob violence is that the mob is frequently wrong and is driven by a dynamic that often has little to do with the truth or anything approaching justice. And the mob has been frequently wrong already. Americans of Middle-Eastern, Indian and Pakistani extraction, even South Americans and anyone else with a brown skin, have been attacked. Sikhs, because they wear turbans, have been singled out for assault, and in one case murder, simply because of their dress. Not that it matters, but Sikhs are not Muslims. Sikhs have a 500-year-old religion that has more than 20-million followers worldwide, making it the world's fifth-largest religion. They believe in truthful living, the equality of humanity and are opposed to superstition and blind rituals. On the day my wife died in 1997, I was taken in by a Hindu shopkeeper and his Sikh wife and treated as though I were a relative. They never asked me what my religion was. By far the vast majority of Muslims are peaceful and loving people who abhor violence and whose scripture, the Koran, is a message of love and understanding. Passages of it that call for defense of the faith can and have been misinterpreted as the basis for offensive actions. Coming from a religious ethos that has been misused in the past to justify the Crusades, the Inquisition and the Holocaust, most Americans should understand that we can and often do stand separate from those who take any religion -- even if it's ours -- to the extremes. Hindus likewise -- although that great bastion of tolerance and love, Pat Robertson, consistently denounces them as a "demonic religion" -- are an overwhelmingly peaceful people whose belief system counsels peace and love and tolerance. Assuming that all Arabs are demented suicide killers is an insane overreaction to an emotional situation. It makes me wish my late friend Bryanna Latoof, who was Lebanese, was here to make it (trust me, painfully) clear to anyone who would challenge her loyalty, politics or decency. Look what happened to a completely innocent Syrian doctor in Hernando County when a Tampa talk radio host (whose audience obviously contains a large percentage of morons) incorrectly identified him as having made an unpatriotic remark while at the hospital. The doctor and his staff were threatened and harassed by caller after caller -- including the bozo who broadcast his name and then called a sheriff's deputy a "b----" when she took the phone and tried to explain his mistake. Take a deep breath guys, and if and when you are sure you have identified a real enemy, call the right authorities to deal with them.
Becoming terrorists is no way to combat terrorism. |
Right, Left And Just Wrong The calamity that turned the nation toward military confrontation is also revealing the character of its people, both collectively and individually. From the overwhelming majority, not only in America’s greatest city but everywhere, we have seen evidence of altruism, nobility and tolerance. These qualities encourage hope that we will also summon the patience and judgment necessary to prevail against an elusive enemy. From a few notable individuals, however, we have seen opportunism, incitement and ugliness, sometimes blatant and even violent in tone, sometimes more subtle. While the examples may seem marginal, they represent themes that are potentially divisive and damaging. The most notorious offenders of decency in the aftermath of the assault on America were religious-right leaders Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. Ordinarily somewhat hostile and competitive toward each other, this pious pair found quick agreement about the underlying cause of the attacks on New York and Washington: God had withdrawn divine protection from the United States in retribution for the freedom afforded to homosexuals, civil libertarians and feminists, and thus had permitted "the enemies of America to give us probably what we deserve." Said Mr. Robertson, "Jerry, that’s my feeling." Just so nobody could misunderstand his meaning, Mr. Falwell berated "the pagans and the abortionists and the feminists and the gays and the lesbians who are actively trying to make that an alternative lifestyle, the [American Civil Liberties Union], People for the American Way …. I point the finger in their face and say, ‘You helped this happen.’" Informed that their remarks had repelled even the most conservative figures in the White House, they reverted to damage control. Mr. Falwell falsely claimed that he had been quoted "out of context." Then he apologized, rather feebly, but did not withdraw those statements, which he described as too theologically subtle for comprehension by secular Americans. Mr. Robertson suddenly pretended to be among those who didn’t comprehend Mr. Falwell’s meaning. He joined in the chorus of condemnation, saying he had "not fully understood" his guest’s "severe and harsh" comments. It is worth pointing out here that the Mayor of New York, whose leadership has been so admirable, currently lives as the roommate of a gay couple—and that one of the heroic passengers who resisted the hijackers on the plane that crashed in Pennsylvania was a gay rugby player named Mark Bingham. Messrs. Falwell and Robertson were not the only "conservatives" who vented hostile emotion last week. Under the banner of National Review magazine, commentator Ann Coulter called on Sept. 13 for the U.S. to "invade their countries, kill their leaders and convert them to Christianity." Which countries she did not specify, but her essay reflected the widespread rightist desire for an instantaneous and indiscriminate response, up to and including the use of tactical nuclear weapons. Such demented rhetoric undermines America and our allies as they seek diplomatic and military support for a difficult, delicate and potentially very costly campaign. While some personalities on the right have indulged in ideological scapegoating, certain figures on the left have behaved similarly, if not as grossly. Although they ritualistically denounce the hideous crime perpetrated on Sept. 11, they simultaneously seize this chance to promote their own project of undermining U.S. support for Israel. Their contribution to the current debate is to suggest, as professors Noam Chomsky and Edward Said and writer Christopher Hitchens have done in recent days, that the attacks must be "understood" as the reaction of the world’s dispossessed to the depredations of an imperial America and its Zionist client state. More broadly, these same commentators and others insist that the savagery of the bin Laden group and its comrades is rooted in the poverty and misery that arise from globalization. For thoughtful Americans concerned about the past excesses of our own government and of Israel, these are seductive arguments. They are also mistaken, at best, and sinister at worst. As a general proposition, it is true that terrorist groups have exploited real grievances over the years, from the Irish Republican Army and the early Zionist movement to the Palestine Liberation Organization. But in the conflict that we are about to enter, the enemy is not an oppressed nationalist group with negotiable goals. It is instead a reactionary international movement with aspirations to destroy Western democracy. Its ideology is medieval, opposed to progress in every sense. Its policy is the brutal repression of women, labor, peasants and any dissenting social force. Its model is its own version of "the Caliphate," meaning an imperial perversion of Islam that puts infidels to the sword. Its bloodlust would not be satisfied by a just settlement between Israelis and Palestinians.
That barbarism is what needs to be understood—and resisted with force.
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![]() Toward The President Patriotic Tolerance By Gene Lyons At President Bush's suggestion, I did my best to return to normalcy by catching the Cubs-Astros game Friday night. Grateful for the solace of baseball, its enclosed universe of artifice, complexity and dramatic tension, I found it jarring when two Fox Sports announcers got political. With smoke drifting across the field from a seventh-inning fireworks display, the announcers took a cheap shot at a player who'd months ago turned down a White House invitation, explaining he hadn't voted for Bush. They said that most pro athletes did support the president and opined that, "after the week he just had," 90 percent of Americans would vote for him tomorrow if they could. After the week he just had? Look, nobody blames him, but Bush had just presided over the worst disaster in American life since World War II. Then he'd done a decent job of reading a very well-written speech. Maybe these boys should stick to the locker room. A clumsier job of elevating partisanship over patriotism is hard to imagine. People aren't telling pollsters they support George W. Bush the Republican politician; they're saying that with the United States under attack, they support the nation's leader. The incident underscored mixed feelings shared by the majority of Americans who voted against this president. Before last week, I'd avoided writing the words "President Bush" as a small gesture of defiance. Now those of us who thought his election illegitimate and never believed he had the intellect, knowledge, character or experience to guide the country in peacetime find ourselves hoping that we were mistaken. If history is any guide, we'll do a better job of exercising patriotic forbearance than Republicans ever did toward Bill Clinton. So far, Bush has handled the theatrical aspects of the crisis well. It's occurred to me that Bush's frat-boy cynicism and reported dislike of "braininess" could armor him against the impassioned certitude of ideologues peddling sweeping scenarios. Maybe his foreshortened months in the Texas Air National Guard also made him skeptical of military group-think. With war fever running high, and what a friend calls "deferment doughboys, cable commandos and gung-ho armchair assault teams" urging attacks upon every imaginable adversary between the Mediterranean and the Hindu Kush, it's a quality he'll need. So far he's heeding Colin Powell and State Department realists who warn that the terrorists' express purpose is to suck the U.S. into a cataclysmic war with the entire Islamic world that nobody can truly win. It's also a good sign that Bush has rejected the Wall Street Journal's advice to "spend his windfall of political capital" advancing partisan Republican issues. With the smoke still rising from the World Trade Center on Sept. 18, an editorial urged him to force through such comparative trivialities as Arctic oil drilling, getting right-wing judges confirmed and securing a capital gains tax cut. There's no national crisis so profound that the Journal thinks can't best be addressed by throwing money at millionaires. Instead, Bush quietly dropped a pair of controversial appointments to the Consumer Product Safety Commission and the EPA, and he has asked Congress to shelve highly partisan issues. As The Washington Post pointed out, whether he admits it or not, he's embraced a plan FDR might have conceived, pledging billions to rebuild New York, prop up financially troubled airlines and stimulate the economy through government spending. Bush came into office expressing the Republican right's rejection of internationalism. It wasn't so much "America first" as "America only." Deluded by fantasies of omnipotence, the U.S. was going to build a missile defense shield regardless of European allies' objections. It was going to ditch the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, reject the Chemical Weapons Convention, oppose a biological weapons treaty and shun the idea of international criminal courts. Conceived mainly to fight terrorism, these were viewed as infringements upon U.S. sovereignty. If and when British, French and possibly even Turkish and Russian soldiers start taking casualties in the coming struggle, Bush may be forced to rethink his position. Maybe he'll even find time to re-examine his party's actions when Osama bin Laden's terrorists bombed two U.S. embassies in 1998. It was the summer of Monica's blue dress. Even as the administration tried to track down and kill bin Laden in his Afghan lair, Kenneth Starr's inquisitors were taking Clinton's deposition. On the same day Clinton addressed the U.N. General Assembly on the terrorist threat and the need for Muslim countries to reject it, congressional Republicans released the videotape for TV broadcast. A Taliban spokesman said Clinton should be stoned to death.
All that seems like make-believe after Sept.11, 2001, and Bush can count on patriotic Democrats to put country above party.
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It’s The Oil Never mind the pundits, the root cause remains the same By Johnny Angel In the orgy of examination of who and what is to blame for the events of September 11, we must have heard every conceivable explanation. The American right, as exemplified by President Bush, Fox News and the opinion page of the The Wall Street Journal, blames envy of American values and success. The extreme right blames secular humanism, gay rights and the other bogeymen they love to flog. The center faults lax airport security and a general lack of preparedness, while the left, all but ignored by the corporate media, blames American imperialism and in some cases our unconditional support for Israel. Yet for all the noise generated by partisans and centrists alike, no one is willing to accept the blatantly obvious, the real underlying factor behind America’s involvement in the byzantine labyrinth of Middle East politics. What could possibly motivate the propping up of repressive non-democracies like the Saudi and Kuwaiti royal families, or murderous regimes like that of Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran? Or pouring billions into the coffers of Saddam Hussein in the ’80s, or even creating the monster that is possibly the mastermind of these attacks, Osama bin Laden, beneficiary of CIA lucre and training? It’s the oil, stupid. Once again, America’s twin addictions, that of its people to cheap gasoline and its corporations to billions of petro-dollars, has led us right into the proverbial pit. Having learned very little or forgotten a lot in the wake of the oil embargoes of the 1970s, America is as strung out on the fossil-fuel jones as any Bonnie Brae Street junkie is on Mexican tar heroin. Even though American dependency on oil from the Middle East has fallen to about 17 percent of national consumption, Saudi Arabia remains the cornerstone, producing 50 percent of the whole world’s supply. So in order to keep this economic balm flowing, to keep the status quo static and the balance sheets of the major oil companies brimming, we’ve installed our military as a kind of mega police force in the region. Our official reason for being there is to ensure "stability," one of the great buzzwords in the history of business, but this is nothing more than spin — the military is in the Middle East to guarantee that whatever comes out of the ground is exploitable and controlled by American multinationals. And it is the simple fact of the presence of American soldiers on the holy soil of Islam that has so enraged our new nemesis, bin Laden. Speaking to British journalist Robert Fisk in 1996 Afghanistan, bin Laden made clear his agenda. "When the American troops entered Saudia Arabia [after Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait], the land of the two holy places [Mecca and Medina], there was strong protest from the ulema [religious authorities] and from students of the Shariah law all over the country against the interference of American troops," bin Laden told Fisk, who published the comments in The Nation in 1998. The Saudi leaders made a "big mistake," bin Laden said, when they responded by suppressing the protests and cementing ties to the U.S. "After it had insulted and jailed the ulema . . . the Saudi regime lost its legitimacy," bin Laden said. And so began his deadly fatwa against the United States. Oil has been the prime mover behind any and every political decision in that region since the First World War, when trucks, tanks and planes replaced horses and camels. Once the internal-combustion engine became the technological centerpiece of the century, keeping it going by any means necessary became a most profitable business venture. And despite the myth that has been rammed down America’s psyche for eons, American business loathes competition and aims for monopoly. Sure, they’ll partner with the Saudi royal family (because the government that they dominate owns all of its oil), but in exchange, anyone in the region who actually believes in the rights of the people of that country to share in the wealth of their homeland is shut out. And forcefully, with the aid of the American military and CIA, as we saw in Iran and during the Gulf War. This dusty, empty part of the world was basically nothing more than a bedouin crossroads for 1,300 years, between the end of the Crusades and the early 1900s. During the period when America endured revolution and a civil war, and Europe tore itself apart, the Middle East was downright peaceful. Tell me why the United States and Great Britain reflexively back the state of Israel in its battles with its neighbors. Were it not sitting strategically close to vast pools of viscous crude, no one would give a rat’s ass about either side. It’s the meddling in the internal affairs of the indigenous people of the region to ensure that said oil stays in the hands of the privileged few that has led to an enraged underground movement of terrorists in these lands. And oil is all we’re there for — what else of value comes from that part of the world, what strategic value does it have otherwise? That may seem as obvious as the nose on our collective face, but it’s something no one wants to acknowledge. Especially given the ties between the media and the oil companies: ABC is tied to Texaco, NBC to British Petroleum, Time Warner to Mobil Oil, as revealed in the marvelous media-watchdog flier Censored Alert in the summer of 2000. And now the oil industry is entrenched as America’s No. 1 player with Bush and Cheney, two oil men (one failed, one successful) in command. Eliminate the oil, and the American presence ends in the area; the resentment aimed at our land and our people also ends. Out of sight, out of mind, remember? Never mind the bollocks about how the Arabs envy our wealth: I don’t see them terrorizing Monaco or flying jets into the side of the Big Ben. The simple fact is, our armies piss them off as colonial enforcers. Much in the same way that our forefathers loathed Hessians in the American Revolution. If anything, the leaders of the Middle East are terrified of our abandonment. Like savvy survivors, they play both sides at the same time. Just as an American corporation will donate money to Republicans and Democrats both, so these strongmen pay lip service to America while nodding, winking and (in the case of Yemen and allegedly some Saudi businessmen) donating money to terrorist cells on the side, just to be safe. It’s our own greed and need for control that has led us into this petroleum quagmire. Ross Perot, hardly the voice of progressive politics, made the canny observation in the first presidential debate of 1992 that the Gulf War was fought solely for control of oil and nothing more. He made the further point that American blood wasn’t worth shedding over a product that Saddam would have been glad to sell us himself.
Too late for that sort of pragmatism. The war we’re about to wage will surely be protracted and costly, with profound repercussions, and all because we decided that dealing with our
enslavement to gasoline via conservation, alternative energy sources and the like was just too incon-fucking-venient. Feel that way now? |
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Bush's Orwellian Address, Happy New Year: It's 1984 By Jacob Levich Seventeen years later than expected, 1984 has arrived. In his address to Congress Thursday, George Bush effectively declared permanent war -- war without temporal or geographic limits; war without clear goals; war against a vaguely defined and constantly shifting enemy. Today it's Al-Qaida; tomorrow it may be Afghanistan; next year, it could be Iraq or Cuba or Chechnya. No one who was forced to read 1984 in high school could fail to hear a faint bell tinkling. In George Orwell's dreary classic, the totalitarian state of Oceania is perpetually at war with either Eurasia or Eastasia. Although the enemy changes periodically, the war is permanent; its true purpose is to control dissent and sustain dictatorship by nurturing popular fear and hatred. The permanent war undergirds every aspect of Big Brother's authoritarian program, excusing censorship, propaganda, secret police, and privation. In other words, it's terribly convenient. And conveniently terrible. Bush's alarming speech pointed to a shadowy enemy that lurks in more 60 countries, including the US. He announced a policy of using maximum force against any individuals or nations he designates as our enemies, without color of international law, due process, or democratic debate. He explicitly warned that much of the war will be conducted in secret. He rejected negotiation as a tool of diplomacy. He announced starkly that any country that doesn't knuckle under to US demands will be regarded as an enemy. He heralded the creation of a powerful new cabinet-level police agency called the "Office of Homeland Security." Orwell couldn't have named it better. By turns folksy ("Ya know what?") and chillingly bellicose ("Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists"), Bush stepped comfortably into the role of Big Brother, who needs to be loved as well as feared. Meanwhile, his administration acted swiftly to realize the governing principles of Oceania: WAR IS PEACE. A reckless war that will likely bring about a deadly cycle of retaliation is being sold to us as the means to guarantee our safety. Meanwhile, we've been instructed to accept the permanent war as a fact of daily life. As the inevitable slaughter of innocents unfolds overseas, we are to "live our lives and hug our children." FREEDOM IS SLAVERY. "Freedom itself is under attack," Bush said, and he's right. Americans are about to lose many of their most cherished liberties in a frenzy of paranoid legislation. The government proposes to tap our phones, read our email and seize our credit card records without court order. It seeks authority to detain and deport immigrants without cause or trial. It proposes to use foreign agents to spy on American citizens. To save freedom, the warmongers intend to destroy it. IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH. America's "new war" against terrorism will be fought with unprecedented secrecy, including heavy press restrictions not seen for years, the Pentagon has advised. Meanwhile, the sorry history of American imperialism -- collaboration with terrorists, bloody proxy wars against civilians, forcible replacement of democratic governments with corrupt dictatorships -- is strictly off-limits to mainstream media. Lest it weaken our resolve, we are not to be allowed to understand the reasons underlying the horrifying crimes of September 11. The defining speech of Bush's presidency points toward an Orwellian future of endless war, expedient lies, and ubiquitous social control. But unlike 1984's doomed protagonist, we've still got plenty of space to maneuver and plenty of ways to resist.
It's time to speak and to act. It falls on us now to take to the streets, bearing a clear message for the warmongers: We don't
love Big Brother. |

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Retaliation is a trap. In a world that was supposed to have learnt that the
rule of law comes above revenge, President Bush appears to be heading for
the very disaster that Osama bin Laden has laid down for him. Let us have no
doubts about what happened in New York and Washington last week. It was a
crime against humanity. We cannot understand America's need to retaliate
unless we accept this bleak, awesome fact. But this crime was perpetrated –
it becomes ever clearer – to provoke the United States into just the blind,
arrogant punch that the US military is preparing.
Mr bin Laden – every day his culpability becomes more apparent – has
described to me how he wishes to overthrow the pro-American regime of the
Middle East, starting with Saudi Arabia and moving on to Egypt, Jordan and
the other Gulf states. In an Arab world sunk in corruption and
dictatorships – most of them supported by the West – the only act that might
bring Muslims to strike at their own leaders would be a brutal,
indiscriminate assault by the United States. Mr bin Laden is unsophisticated
in foreign affairs, but a close student of the art and horror of war. He
knew how to fight the Russians who stayed on in Afghanistan, a Russian
monster that revenged itself upon its ill-educated, courageous antagonists
until, faced with war without end, the entire Soviet Union began to fall
apart.
The Chechens learnt this lesson. And the man responsible for so much of the
bloodbath in Chechnya – the career KGB man whose army is raping and
murdering the insurgent Sunni Muslim population of Chechnya – is now being
signed up by Mr Bush for his "war against people''. Vladimir Putin must
surely have a sense of humor to appreciate the cruel ironies that have now
come to pass, though I doubt if he will let Mr Bush know what happens when
you start a war of retaliation; your army – like the Russian forces in
Chechnya – becomes locked into battle with an enemy that appears ever more
ruthless, ever more evil.
But the Americans need look no further than Ariel Sharon's futile war with
the Palestinians to understand the folly of retaliation. In Lebanon, it was
always the same. A Hizbollah guerrilla would kill an Israeli occupation
soldier, and the Israelis would fire back in retaliation at a village in
which a civilian would die. The Hizbollah would retaliate with a Katyusha
missile attack over the Israeli border, and the Israelis would retaliate
again with a bombardment of southern Lebanon. In the end, the Hizbollah –
the "center of world terror'' according to Mr Sharon – drove the Israelis
out of Lebanon.
In Israel/Palestine, it is the same story. An Israeli soldier shoots a
Palestinian stone-thrower. The Palestinians retaliate by killing a settler.
The Israelis then retaliate by sending a murder squad to kill a Palestinian
gunman. The Palestinians retaliate by sending a suicide bomber into a
pizzeria. The Israelis then retaliate by sending F-16s to bomb a Palestinian
police station. Retaliation leads to retaliation and more retaliation. War
without end.
And while Mr Bush – and perhaps Mr Blair – prepare their forces, they
explain so meretriciously that this is a war for "democracy and liberty'',
that it is about men who are "attacking civilization''. "America was
targeted for attack,'' Mr Bush informed us on Friday, "because we are the
brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world.'' But this is not
why America was attacked. If this was an Arab-Muslim apocalypse, then it is
intimately associated with events in the Middle East and with America's
stewardship of the area. Arabs, it might be added, would rather like some of
that democracy and liberty and freedom that Mr Bush has been telling them
about. Instead, they get a president who wins 98 per cent in the elections
(Washington's friend, Mr Mubarak) or a Palestinian police force, trained by
the CIA, that tortures and sometimes kills its people in prison. The Syrians
would also like a little of that democracy. So would the Saudis. But their
effete princes are all friends of America – in many cases, educated at US
universities.
I will always remember how President Clinton announced that Saddam Hussein –
another of our grotesque inventions – must be overthrown so that the people
of Iraq could choose their own leaders. But if that happened, it would be
the first time in Middle Eastern history that Arabs have been permitted to
do so. No, it is "our'' democracy and "our'' liberty and freedom that Mr
Bush and Mr Blair are talking about, our Western sanctuary that is under
attack, not the vast place of terror and injustice that the Middle East has
become.
Let me illustrate what I mean. Nineteen years ago today, the greatest act of
terrorism – using Israel's own definition of that much misused word – in
modern Middle Eastern history began. Does anyone remember the anniversary in
the West? How many readers of this article will remember it? I will take a
tiny risk and say that no other British newspaper – certainly no American
newspaper – will today recall the fact that on 16 September 1982, Israel's
Phalangist militia allies started their three-day orgy of rape and knifing
and murder in the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila that cost
1,800 lives. It followed an Israeli invasion of Lebanon – designed to drive
the PLO out of the country and given the green light by the then US
Secretary of State, Alexander Haig – which cost the lives of 17,500 Lebanese
and Palestinians, almost all of them civilians. That's probably three times
the death toll in the World Trade Center. Yet I do not remember any vigils
or memorial services or candle-lighting in America or the West for the
innocent dead of Lebanon; I don't recall any stirring speeches about
democracy or liberty. In fact, my memory is that the United States spent
most of the bloody months of July and August 1982 calling for "restraint".
No, Israel is not to blame for what happened last week. The culprits were
Arabs, not Israelis. But America's failure to act with honour in the Middle
East, its promiscuous sale of missiles to those who use them against
civilians, its blithe disregard for the deaths of tens of thousands of Iraqi
children under sanctions of which Washington is the principal supporter –
all these are intimately related to the society that produced the Arabs who
plunged America into an apocalypse of fire last week.
America's name is literally stamped on to the missiles fired by Israel into
Palestinian buildings in Gaza and the West Bank. Only four weeks ago, I
identified one of them as an AGM 114-D air-to-ground rocket made by Boeing
and Lockheed-Martin at their factory in – of all places – Florida, the state
where some of the suiciders trained to fly.
It was fired from an Apache helicopter (made in America, of course) during
the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, when hundreds of cluster bombs were
dropped in civilian areas of Beruit by the Israelis in contravention of
undertakings given to the United States. Most of the bombs had US Naval
markings and America then suspended a shipment of fighter bombers to
Israel – for less than two months.
The same type of missile – this time an AGM 114-C made in Georgia – was fired
by the Israelis into the back of an ambulance near the Lebanese village of
Mansori, killing two women and four children. I collected the pieces of the
missile, including its computer coding plate, flew to Georgia and presented
them to the manufacturers at the Boeing factory. And what did the developer
of the missile say to me when I showed him photographs of the children his
missile had killed? "Whatever you do," he told me, "don't quote me as saying
anything critical of the policies of Israel."
I'm sure the father of those children, who was driving the ambulance, will
have been appalled by last week's events, but I don't suppose, given the
fate of his own wife – one of the women killed – that he was in a mood to
send condolences to anyone. All these facts, of course, must be forgotten
now.
Every effort will be made in the coming days to switch off the "why''
question and concentrate on the who, what and how. CNN and most of the
world's media have already obeyed this essential new war rule. I've already
seen what happens when this rule is broken. When The Independent published
my article on the connection between Middle Eastern injustice and the New
York holocaust, the BBC's 24-hour news channel produced an American
commentator who remarked that "Robert Fisk has won the prize for bad
taste''. When I raised the same point on an Irish radio talk show, the other
guest, a Harvard lawyer, denounced me as a bigot, a liar, a "dangerous man''
and – of course – potentially anti-Semitic. The Irish pulled the plug on
him.
No wonder we have to refer to the terrorists as "mindless''. For if we did
not, we would have to explain what went on in those minds. But this attempt
to censor the realities of the war that has already begun must not be
permitted to continue. Look at the logic. Secretary of State Colin Powell
was insisting on Friday that his message to the Taliban is simple: they have
to take responsibility for sheltering Mr bin Laden. "You cannot separate
your activities from the activities of the perpetrators,'' he warned. But
the Americans absolutely refuse to associate their own response to their
predicament with their activities in the Middle East. We are supposed to
hold our tongues, even when Ariel Sharon – a man whose name will always be
associated with the massacre at Sabra and Shatila – announces that Israel
also wishes to join the battle against "world terror''.
No wonder the Palestinians are fearful. In the past four days, 23
Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank and Gaza, an astonishing
figure that would have been front-page news had America not been blitzed. If
Israel signs up for the new conflict, then the Palestinians – by fighting
the Israelis – will, by extension, become part of the "world terror''
against which Mr Bush is supposedly going to war. Not for nothing did Mr
Sharon claim that Yasser Arafat had connections with Osama bin Laden.
I repeat: what happened in New York was a crime against humanity. And that
means policemen, arrests, justice, a whole new international court at The
Hague if necessary. Not cruise missiles and "precision'' bombs and Muslim
lives lost in revenge for Western lives. But the trap has been sprung. Mr
Bush – perhaps we, too – are now walking into it.
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New York Times, Washington Post Suppress Media Recount Of Florida Vote
A consortium of major American news organizations, including the New
York
Times, the Washington Post, and the Wall Street Journal, has decided to
withhold the results of its recount of ballots cast in Florida in the
2000
presidential election. The consortium had planned to publish its report
this
week, and although its decision to suppress its own findings has
received
virtually no media attention, the reason is made clear in a September
23
column by New York Times Washington bureau chief Richard L. Berke.
In a column that enthusiastically welcomes the dissolution of all
political
opposition in Washington in the wake of the September 11 terror
attacks,
Berke writes: "Until September 11, the capital was riding a
historically
partisan period, with leading Democrats still portraying their
president as
‘appointed’ by the Supreme Court. In a move that might have stoked the
partisan tensions—but now seems utterly irrelevant—a consortium of new
organizations, including The New York Times, had been scheduled this
week to
release the results of its ambitious undertaking to recount the Florida
presidential ballots. (That has been put on hold indefinitely)."
In other words, the Times and its counterparts in the consortium have
decided to conceal from the American people facts damaging to the Bush
administration’s claims to political legitimacy. They are doing so for
the
express purpose of suppressing dissent and bolstering the president as
he
prepares to take the American people into war and makes sweeping
attacks on
their civil liberties.
This act of self-censorship is entirely in keeping with the overall
response
of the media to the events of the past two weeks—a response that in
coming
years will be widely seen as among the most shameful episodes in the
history
of American journalism. Neither in the broadcast nor the print media is
there any attempt whatsoever to examine the claims of the Bush
administration. All statements emanating from the White House and the
Pentagon, even those known to be lies, are presented to the public as
good coin.
What "now seems utterly irrelevant" to Berke is the fact the very
government
which is committing the population to a war of undefined duration and
dimensions, with all of the tragic consequences this entails, was
installed
through the suppression of votes and judicial fiat. Berke voices his
own
cynicism toward the theft of the 2000 election when he writes: "The
indecisiveness of last year’s election gave the nation a civics lesson,
but
one that lent itself to snide jokes, not grave consideration."
This attitude, so crudely expressed and brazen in its contempt for
democratic principles, cannot come as a surprise to anyone who has
seriously
considered the trajectory of news reporting in the US over the past
decade.
It says a great deal about the role of the media and the outlook that
pervades editorial offices and network news bureaus.
The media, however, does not exist in a void. Its degeneration reflects
more
profound tendencies within society and the political system.
The suppression of the Florida recount, and the Times’ justification
for it,
exemplify the role of the media as a de facto organ of the state.
Journalists like Berke, who occupy prominent positions within the media
establishment, no longer conceive of themselves, even remotely, as
protectors of democratic institutions and the rights of the people,
with a
responsibility to inform and educate the public so that it can assert
its
interests in opposition to those who wield power.
One component of bourgeois democratic institutions in the US was the
traditional conception of the press as the "Fourth Estate," an
independent
force that served as a check on the power of the state. This notion,
often
enough expressed more in the breach than in the observance, and always
attenuated by corporate control of the media and the innumerable ties
that
existed between the media establishment and state agencies, including
the
CIA, has now been thoroughly eroded and repudiated. Today, media
operatives
overwhelmingly, and as a matter of course, conceive of their task as
the
defense of the corporate elite and the state, as against the right of
the
people to know.
The debasement of the US media can be traced in relation to the great
political convulsions of the past 30 years. During the Vietnam War and
the
Watergate crisis, major news organs such as the New York Times and the
Washington Post played a significant role in exposing the lies of
successive
administrations, culminating in the exposure of the criminal and
authoritarian actions of the Nixon administration. In the aftermath of
Watergate, however, there was a determined campaign to bring the media
more
tightly to heel, to which the media succumbed with relatively little
resistance.
Today it is all but inconceivable that the Times would publish anything
comparable to the Pentagon Papers, or the Washington Post anything like
the
series of exposures that ultimately led to the resignation of Richard
Nixon.
Already by the time of the Iran-Contra crisis of the mid-1980s, the
element
of press cover-up for the unconstitutional actions of the Reagan
administration far outweighed that of serious investigation and
exposure.
With the Persian Gulf War of 1991, the media assumed the role of
conduit for
the propaganda handed down by the White House, the State Department and
the
Pentagon. The networks and the press submitted with barely a whimper to
unprecedented restrictions on the reportage of battle preparations and
the
actual conduct of the war. To this day, the American media have not
revealed
the number of Iraqis killed and wounded in that uneven slaughter.
In the 1990s the role of the media assumed an even more pernicious
form.
Leading newspapers such as the New York Times and the Washington Post
lent
their prestige to the series of scandals mounted by the Republican
right to
destabilize the Clinton administration. They became sounding boards for
a
thoroughly anti-democratic conspiracy by extreme right-wing forces to
remove
an elected president from office.
Berke’s newspaper, the Times, played a particularly vile role. Times
reporter Jeff Gerth lent credibility to the anti-Clinton machinations
of
unreconstructed segregationist elements, Christian fundamentalists and
sections of the Republican leadership with his series of articles in
the
early ’90s on the Whitewater affair—articles based on little more than
speculation and rumor. The Times later embraced the Monica Lewinsky
scandal
and unswervingly depicted the sex-based witch-hunt led by Independent
Counsel Kenneth Starr as a legitimate investigation, downplaying
Starr’s
attacks on civil liberties. In this manner the Times legitimized the
political conspiracy that culminated in the impeachment of Clinton.
Within weeks of Clinton’s acquittal by the Senate, Gerth and the Times
were
at it again, publishing a series of witch-hunting articles against Los
Alamos nuclear scientist Wen Ho Lee. These tracts provided a platform
for
sections of the Republican Party that were simultaneously seeking to
create
a Cold War-style hysteria against "Communist" China, and brand Clinton
as a
traitor, who supposedly traded nuclear secrets to the Chinese
government in
return for campaign contributions in the 1996 election. The biased and
sensationalist character of Gerth’s reporting was exposed when the
federal
case against Lee collapsed. In the end, the Times was compelled to
issue a
public apology.
The political wars of the 1990s revealed the profound erosion of
American
democratic institutions. The Republican Party had been largely taken
over by
extreme right-wing and fascistic forces, and the Democratic Party had
proven
itself incapable of opposing their attack on democratic rights.
In the 2000 election, the outcome of this protracted political decay
was
expressed in a fundamental break with democratic traditions and
procedures.
The Republican Party, with the tacit support of the media, set out to
steal
the presidential election, and with the aid of the right-wing majority
on
the Supreme Court, succeeded. It met with no serious resistance, either
during or after the theft of Florida’s electoral votes, from the
Democrats.
The 2000 election demonstrated that within the American ruling elite,
including both capitalist parties and the media establishment, there
exists
no significant constituency for the defense of democratic rights. The
decision of the New York Times, the Washington Post, and other major
news
outlets to suppress the results of their Florida recount underscores
this
fact. It demonstrates that the break with democratic forms of rule that
occurred last year was irrevocable.
Now, as the Bush administration hurtles toward war and launches an
unprecedented drive to strengthen the police powers of the state and
dismantle democratic safeguards, the Times and the rest of the media
hail
the suppression of political opposition and the de facto establishment
of
one-party rule as a positive good.
The American people must take heed: the ruling elite is well on the way
to
establishing an authoritarian, anti-democratic state.
No serious resistance to such a course will emerge from within the
political
establishment. That must come from a politically united and
independently
organized working class movement, fighting with its own party on the
basis
of a socialist program committed to the defense of democratic rights. |
|
Dead Letter Office
Heil Bush,
Dear Propaganda Ansager Sullivan,
Congratulations you have just been awarded the Vidkun Quisling Award for 2001. Your name will now live throughout history with such past award winners as Marcus Junius Brutus, Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arnold, Vidkun Quisling and last year's winner Volksjudge Antoni (light-fingers) Scalia.
Without your help shilling for us, spinning the truth, telling out right lies and ignoring the real news, holding onto power after our Coup D' Etat would have been impossible. With the help of our mutual friends, the other "Media Whores," you have made it possible for all of us to goose-step off to a brave new bank account.
Along with this award there will be an Iron Cross 2nd class presented by our glorious Fuhrer Herr Bush at a gala celebration in der Fuhrer Bunker (formally the White House) on 12-15-2001. We salute you Herr Sullivan! Sieg Heil!
Signed,
Heil Bush
|

|
Bipartisanship
There’s something about the right-wing mentality that can be unbelievably tawdry and petty and vicious. Nearly
everyone knows of Jerry Falwell taking advantage of the catastrophe in New York to try and pin blame on gays, liberals and
the ACLU. Here in northern California, in the town of Redding, some of the local anti-abortionists thought that the
spontaneous memorial to those killed in the attacks would be a dandy place to put up pictures of chopped up fetuses and
propaganda. I mean, people were paying attention to the memorial, right? Why not take advantage of that to promote their
cause?
If it was limited to that sort of thing, you could write it off as the sort of sickening tackiness that so often
accompanies right wing sanctimony and ignorance. Unfortunately, it isn’t limited to the trashiest lower reaches of the right.
While Democrats in the House and Senate were setting differences aside – even the matter of the fact that Putsch
stole the election – Republicans, with a whoop, were taking advantage of the war fever, patriotism, and confusion to push as
hard as they could for their various pet projects.
The rich white trash at the Wall Street Journal kissed off all their dead comrades with unseemly haste and gloated in
an editorial that "the bloody attacks have created a unique political moment when Americans of all stars and stripes are
uniting behind their president."
The Wall Street Journal was pretty happy about this, and made it clear that they felt that Republicans should take
advantage of all this mawkish mourning and patriotism and what not to press for items that might otherwise have not passed
the Senate.
Accordingly, the $40 billion "anti terror" bill that Putsch is requesting comes loaded with all sorts of GOP wet dreams.
It includes $8 billion for "Star Wars", particularly ludicrous given that this pie-in-the-sky scheme would never have stopped
the terrorist attack two weeks ago.
It comes with a capital gains tax cut. Six thousand, five hundred people are dead, and the very least we can do for
the grieving rich is give them a free ride on the backs of our society, permanently. After all, rich people are deeper, and
grieve more. Those of us who aren’t rich should give them special breaks.
John Ashcroft, the American equivalent of the Taliban, wanted to resurrect the Alien and Sedition act. He had the
interesting notion that resident aliens, no matter how long they had been in the country, should be subject to deportation
and seizure of property without benefit of trial or even administrative hearing, and in deed, even without evidence of any
criminal acts. While it’s likely that our Attorney General, who harbors a deep mistrust for people who don’t smear Crisco oil
on themselves in the name of God, isn’t envisioning throwing out 80 year old British grannies, he pretty clearly wants to be
able to shaft some people. People with prayer shawls and accents, perhaps. The good news is that some Democrats
stood up and said, "Er, Mr. Attorney General, sir? Um, the courts have ruled against things like that in the past and might
interfere now." At least until it gets to our criminal Supine Court, any way. Ashcroft agreed to give the Senate another week
to think it over, perhaps in the hope that the national sense of crisis might be ratcheted up in some way. The anti-terrorism
bill contains all sorts of little nasties like that, the rest all aimed at American citizens. If you want to have liberty, you have
to sacrifice freedom. That’s the GOP message of the day. And let’s get going with that Crisco oil, people. We don’t want a
bunch of weird pagans around here!
Drilling in the Alaskan National Wilderness Reserve was tacked on to the terrorist bill by James Inhofe (R-Cheney) of East
Knuckledrag, apparently as a favor to Frank Murkowski (R-Exxon) of Alaska. (He had already told the press he wasn’t going
to do that, you see, so having a bill with his name on it would have looked tacky). We’ve got to maintain that oil habit if we
want to fight terrorists, yesiree Bob.
The loud insistence that the terrorist attack was the work of Osama bin Laden is coming under closer scrutiny in Europe.
Jane’s has been reporting that the Israeli Mossad, not exactly a sympathizer to either bin Laden or the Taliban, believes
that Saddam Hussein was behind the attacks. This is borne out by media reports of decidedly secular behavior on the part
of those believed to have been responsible for the hijacking of the four jetliners. Fundamentalist Muslims (and bin Ladin’s
organization contains no other type of human being) don’t, as a rule, hang around in strip clubs, bars, and McDonalds.
These guys did. That suggests the more secular Saddam.
Colin Powell promised unequivocally to provide proof that bin Laden was behind the attack in a Sunday gasbag show, and
backed away from that promise today. The Administration muttered about security concerns. Although if they can’t cite the
proof in the public arena, how do they propose to do it in any court of law? And will the rest of the world back an attack
based on proof that we won’t share?
Then there is the matter of Dick Cheney’s secret meeting. Cheney, of course, has been stonewalling on demands from the
GAO that he provide the roster and minutes of meetings held in the Vice President’s office with oil and other extraction
industry executives. Sunshine laws demand that such meetings be available for public scrutiny, and the showdown between
the GAO and the administration, unparalleled in American history, is going to court.
In the European (free) press, speculation is growing that in the course of the meeting, Cheney agreed that the administration
should try to provoke some sort of crisis in the oil-rich middle east, something that would create a crisis and make it easier
both to get oil-friendly legislation through (like the ANWR drilling) and give them an excuse to eliminate those pesky
environmental regulations. It would explain Cheney’s strange and blatantly illegal refusal to disclose the nature of the
meetings. It would explain why the administration, which showed no sign of any interest in middle east politics during the
campaign or in the first couple of months after taking office, suddenly and heavy-handedly started supporting Israel. It
explains why they went out of their way to annoy the entire world of Islam.
I don’t think Cheney had something like the World Trade Center in mind. If I did, I would be insisting that he stand next to
the person who planned it, and share the same fate. But I think he was playing "Wag the Dog" on a scale never envisioned
by the movie’s creators. And if that’s the case, his liability is criminal, and he belongs in jail, if nothing else then for
malfeasance and gross criminal negligence.
The country as a whole is coming out of the grief and mourning, and starting to look around, and we’re just starting to realize
that the Republicans, cold, imperious, and remote, have been busy little rascals, and have been taking advantage of the
situation in every way they can. Greed and viciousness never rests, it seems.
Thousands are dead, and the country, Democrats in particular, strove to work together as one to try and get our great
nation through this time of horrible tribulation. But the Republicans seem to have the attitude of "Hey, one way or the other,
they’re all still dead, so let’s make a little hay while the sun shines and put the screws to our loyal servants, the American
people!"
The terrorists, indisputably, are America’s enemies from without. But the vicious callousness of the past two weeks from
those mentioned here should remind people that terrorists are not the only ones working for the injury of America, and that
not all enemies come from without. |

|
NEW YORK -- We've been treated to some
astonishingly vile images over the last two weeks: office
workers hurling themselves into a
hundred-floor-high abyss. A gaping, smoldering hole in the financial
center of our greatest city. George W. Bush
passing himself off as a patriot, even as he disassembles
the Constitution with the voracious glee of
piranha skeletonizing a cow.
"There is no opposition party," Republican
congressional leader Trent Lott chillingly announced as
Democratic counterpart Tom Daschle watched in
silent, cowed assent after Bush's speech to a joint
session of Congress. And even if it's mainly the
result of our pathetic desire to follow someone --
anyone -- in the aftermath of Sept. 11, there's
little opposition out in the cities and towns across our
vast continent: Bush's job-approval rating is
hovering up there with puppies and sunny days.
It may have seemed meaningless at the time, but
now we know why 7,000 people sacrificed their lives
-- so that we'd all forget how Bush stole a
presidential election. And as it turns out, national amnesia
was only the beginning.
"War" was declared against America Sept. 11, Bush
told us, and we're declaring "war" right back.
War against whom? Afghanistan (news - web sites)?
Iraq? Canada? You declare war against a
nation-state, not against terrorists living inside
a country. You can ask a foreign government to extradite
accused terrorists for trial, but you're not
likely to get very far if you don't share good diplomatic
relations. According to the Constitution, the
president doesn't declare war -- Congress does.
Without so much as an invocation of the
Constitution-bending War Powers Act -- which would allow
the president to commit troops for a limited time
-- here we are at "war." Troops are being mobilized
and allies are being gathered to fight ...
whomever. Whatever. Wherever. Wallowing in a level of
cynicism unseen since Lyndon Johnson conned
Congress into the Vietnam War based on a Tonkin
Gulf incident that never happened, Bush has
capitalized on a nation's grief, confusion and anger to
extort a political blank check payable in young
American blood.
Oh, right. First we have to "get" -- read, murder
-- alleged terrorist mastermind and perennial bugaboo
Osama bin Laden (news - web sites). "We rule out
the possibility of his handover to America without
substantial evidence," Taliban spokesman Abdul Hai
Mutmaen said Sept. 24. This demand is nothing
more than any country, not least the United
States, would insist upon before extradition; the Bushies
call this adherence to basic international law "a
stalling tactic." But even if you don't believe that the
Afghan government deserves this courtesy after all
they've done (whatever that is), how about us?
After all, we live -- or lived, before the Supreme
Court subverted it last December -- in a democracy.
Aren't we entitled to see some definitive proof
tying bin Laden and/or the Taliban to the hijack attacks
before we send our sons and daughters off to die
in the Hindu Kush?
JFK showed us surveillance photos of Soviet
missiles in Cuba. TV cameras followed troops into battle
in Vietnam. But according to an anonymous defense
official quoted by Reuters, "There is a new way of
doing business here, and it's not in the
sunshine." And the "war" itself will be waged far away from
prying journalists. "It may include dramatic
strikes visible on TV and covert operations -- secret even in
success," smirks Bush.
We're at war with whoever Bush decides is our
enemy. Not only won't he tell us how or why they're
our enemies, he won't tell us how or why we're
attacking them or how or why our citizens are getting
killed trying to do it. Welcome to
'cause-I-said-so-ocracy. "Operations like those mounted by special
forces are played out in the shadows," Edward
Turzanski, a LaSalle University national security
analyst, told Reuters. "It is not even clear that
operations in which troops might be killed will be
disclosed, at least right away."
"It's important as this war progresses that the
American people understand we make decisions based
upon classified information, and we will not
jeopardize the sources," Bush arrogantly announced Sept.
24. "We will not make the war more difficult to
win by publicly disclosing classified information."
For a man who hired goons to physically threaten
Florida election officials, Bush is asking an awful lot
of us in his one-man war against the world. Let's
get this straight: We're supposed to believe this guy's
account of "classified" information -- even while
he tells us that, from now on, he'll be lying to us for our
own good?
If ever there was a classic naked-emperor moment,
it was the morning after Bush's address to
Congress. A competently delivered,
committee-written hack job was breathlessly equated by liberals
and conservatives alike to FDR's and Churchill's
soaring oratorical highlights. Such is our craving for
leadership that we're anointing a doltish
daddy's-boy who still won't come clean about his DWI
record with the mandate of heaven.
Pacifism is no way to run a superpower. If
concrete proof can be presented that a group or individual
directly participated in the massacre of thousands
of New Yorkers and Washingtonians, those people
deserve to be brought to justice or killed in the
attempt to apprehend them. I, for one, would shed no
tears for the inhumane scum who caused so much
misery to so many. But the memories of our dead
will be poorly served if we let right-wing
extremists bring about the imperial presidency Bush is shoving
down our throats. Blank-check democracy, if you
stop to think about it, is no democracy at all.
This edition we're proud to showcase the cartoons of Ben Sargent |


|
To End On A Happy Note ... Stuck In The BBBR*
Sung to the tune of "Back In The U.S.S.R.
It started out in Palm Beach County, Florida
We're stuck in the BBBR
Blacks took their voting cards into the polling place,
We're stuck in the BBBR
WELL!
Aw, Come on!
[KICK-ASS GUITAR LEAD]
We're stuck in the BBBR
Well the Florida Supremes made a bitchin' call,
OH!
Ahhh, let's protest, People!
|

|
Activist Alerts "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing." ... Edmund Burke And to their family and friends. Voter March condemns all forms of terrorism and fully supports
responsible efforts to combat terrorism and improve airline security. For the Voter March information page on the
September 11th Disaster, click on http://www.votermarch.org/S11.htm
There has been a lot of discussion on the Voter (and other) eGroup Boards on the September 11th Disaster at the
World Trade Center and Pentagon. To accommodate those people who want an eGroup exclusively on this subject,
I have started a new eGroup, September 11th Disaster. To join, go to
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SeptemberDisaster or email to
SeptemberDisaster-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
September 24th, Monday, 9:30 AM, United Nations, NYC
Voter March will hold a solidarity rally for the victims of the September 11th disaster and their families and
friends. The Voter March solidarity rally will be held across from the United Nations where the General Assembly
is meeting at 10:00 AM. The Voter March solidarity rally will be held at Ralph Bunche Park at First Avenue
between 42nd and 43rd Streets from 9:30 am to 1:30 pm.
September 29th, Saturday and Sept. 30th, Sunday, Wash.DC
Voter March will hold a solidarity rally for the victims of the September 11th disaster and their families and
friends. A Voter March candle light vigil for our fellow Americans will be held Saturday evening on the East Front
Capitol Steps. Voter March has now secured a permit site for all day Saturday and Sunday at the East Front
Capitol Steps directly across from the U.S. Supreme Court. Les Souci will be the Grand Marshall for the East Front
Capitol steps and volunteers should email Les Souci at Souci@votermarch.org. Under the proposed permit, there
will be no music, but we may have amplified sound for speakers.
http://www.orgop.org/OR2001-WesternLdrshpRegist.pdf
The Republican Leadership Conference has scheduled Katherine Harris, secretary of State, FL as a guest speaker
on Friday October 5th.
The "subjest" is VOTER FRAUD!! There is a registration form at the link above if anyone wants to attend & I
assume, learn how to commit voter fraud! Did you Florida voters know that there is a special provision in the new
Florida "Reform" to allow military to vote by FAX and WITHOUT BEING REGISTERED TO VOTE?!!
FOR FLORIDA VOTERS WHO ARE TIRED OF PAYING FOR KATHERINE HARRIS'S LUXURY TRIPS.....this is the info
given on the hotel. There are 160 luxury guest rooms at The Resort at the Mountain. Several other lodging places
are mentioned but:
Do you have any doubts as to where Katherine Harris will be staying? I would think that this is the time to write to the
unhonorable Sec. of State and tell her to pay her own damn bills. She was born with more money than God and we
should not have to pay for the flozzie to take luxury trips with Jebbie, Dubya, etc.
Something's rotten in Florida? Are we going to just sit idly by and do nothing?
Maggie
SUPPORT THE OREGON DEMOCRATS' PROPOSAL TO IMPEACH THE FELONIOUS
FIVE!
Here's what you can do to help:
2. Contact your local and/or state Democratic Party office urging them to also
support the resolution.
3. Contribute to the Democratic Party of Oregon. We plan to continue to promote
this resolution and your contribution, no matter how small, will help us in this fight
for democracy. Click on Democratic Party of Oregon to send your support today!
Was it the worst Supreme Court decision in US history, as
American University Constitutional scholar Jamin Raskin has
suggested? Considering that Raskin is a staunch civil rights
advocate, the very thought that he would rank Bush v. Gore
lower than both the Dred Scott and Plessy rulings is instructive.
Nor does Raskin stand alone in his opinion of this judicial coup.
Justice John Paul Stevens: "One thing, however, is certain.
Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity
of the winner of this year's Presidential election, the identity of the
loser is perfectly clear. It is the Nation's confidence in the judge as
an impartial guardian of the rule of law. I respectfully dissent."
Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: "In sum, the Court's
conclusion that a constitutionally adequate recount is impractical is
a prophecy the Court's own judgment will not allow to be tested.
Such an untested prophecy should not decide the Presidency of the
United States. I dissent." And related is the unsigned per curiam
decision of the Scalia 5, a transparent attempt to try to avoid
history's scarlet letter.
Hendrik Hertzberg, former presidential speechwriter: "The
election of 2000 was not stolen. It was expropriated."
David Kairys, Temple University: "We had a constitutional
crisis, and it was Bush v. Gore. History will not be kind."
Suzanna Sherry, Vanderbilt University: "There is really very little way to reconcile this opinion other than that
they wanted Bush to win."
Jeffrey Rosen, legal scholar: "They have...made it impossible for citizens of the United States to sustain any
kind of faith in the rule of law as something larger than the self-interested political preferences of William
Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Anthony Kennedy, and Sandra Day O'Connor."
Randall Kennedy, Harvard University: "But we should also insist that there be no confirmation for Scalia-like
champions of the right-wing agenda. The Supreme Court has hurt its own reputation by wrongly intervening to
ensure the victory of George W. Bush. Those who abhor what the Court did should say so and say so loudly and
clearly."
Jesse Jackson and John Sweeney: "But if it comes down for justices to the 14th amendment and the promise
of equal protection, one can only hope for the sake of the country that they consider how not counting all the votes
mirrors too closely the habits of heart and mind that brought us slavery and segregation--the original sins of our
nation that the equal protection clause sought to repair."
And, of course, Vincent Bugliosi, prosecutor of Charles Manson and author of several bestselling true-crime
books, in The Betrayal of America: ". . . the Court committed the unpardonable sin of being a knowing surrogate
for the Republican Party instead of being an impartial arbiter of the law.... [The Court searched] mightily for a
way, any way at all, to aid their choice for president, Bush, in the suppression of the truth, finally settling, in their
judicial coup d'État, on the untenable argument that there was a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal
protection clause..."
Recent polls indicate the public's growing dissatisfaction with the results of the Scalia Five's decision. A survey
conducted by the Pew Research Center and Princeton Survey Research Associates (June 13-17) showed George
W. Bush's job approval rating at just 50 percent, down six points from March; the New York Times survey with
CBS News (June 14-18) put the rating at 53 percent, down seven points from March. And Democracy Corps's
Greenberg Quinlan Rosner poll (June 11-13) found that 48 percent of likely voters think the nation is currently on
the "wrong track." Perhaps most tellingly, 25 percent of voters in the Democracy Corps poll said that the phrase
"not really elected President" describes Bush "very well," with another 15 percent saying that it describes him
"well"--in other words, six months after the Scalia Five coup, 40 percent of likely voters still believe Bush was not
really elected President.
What then, is to be done?
The least we can do is know our own history, and to understand that what the Injustices did was an insult to the
dreams and ideals of Lexington and Concord, Valley Forge and Jefferson and Paine, Gettsyburg and Lincoln and
Douglass, Selma and King, Seneca Falls and Anthony, Delano and Chavez, Flint and Debs and Lewis. We can
bear witness to injustice, in the nonviolent protest tradition of Thoreau, Gandhi, King, Havel, Robinson, Chavez.
The Scalia Five's judicial coup came down on the second Tuesday last December. So, on the second Tuesday of
July, July 10, 2001, the Tuesday after the Pro-Democracy Convention in Philadelphia, the Tuesday between
Independence Day and Bastille Day, the Institute for Policy Studies and friends are calling for a peaceful,
nonviolent vigil at the Supreme Court building, at noon.
On July 10--and each Tuesday at noon from then on--let's gather at the scene of the crime, and bear witness to the
truth. The Scalia Five won't be there; but we should be.
Bring a candle or a bell, like the Czechs a decade ago. Bring a copy of the Voters' Bill of Rights, or the US
Constitution. Send an e-mail to all your friends, with your favorite quote from this list. Bring Pablo Neruda's and
Marge Piercy's poems. Bring the next generation, so they will never forget. Bring your commitment to restore,
rebuild, and expand American democracy. The Supreme Court cheated. Democracy lost. For now.
This ultra-conservative group needs donations! Lend them a helping hand by sending them a few $100 or $1000 bills ... Confederate ones! Click
here to print or download the bills. Send them to other right-wing groups as well!
And if you still want to annoy the Heritage Foundation, you can always go to their
online donation form as soon as you try to leave the page, a pop-up window appears asking why you decided not to donate. Give them an explanation, but remember to be polite!
We, the undersigned voters, know that our cherished democracy is endangered from
within by the grave and potentially fatal flaws in our voting systems exposed by the
Presidential Election of 2000.
As our elected representatives, you have the duty, the opportunity, and the privilege to
correct these flaws and to restore fair and honest elections throughout our nation. To this
end, we charge you to construct and pass a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS, which shall
include:
Strict enforcement and extension of the Voting Rights Act to prevent the
disenfranchisement of voters and require full investigation and criminal prosecution of
any offenders;
Standardized, easily understandable federal election ballots
Funding to replace old and unreliable voting machines to ensure that every vote is
counted fairly and accurately
Genuine campaign finance reform that bans campaign contributions from special
interests
Replacement of the Electoral College with a majority-rule election, or substantial reform
of the Electoral College to allow for proportional representation
Measures to increase voter participation by eliminating bureaucratic hurdles to voter
registration and turnout, including language barriers, physical barriers, archaic
equipment, and lack of resources
Enactment and enforcement of a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS will restore trust in our
government and encourage participation in our democratic processes. The linchpin of a
democracy is the process by which we select our representatives and leaders. The right
to vote is our defining right as citizens of this nation. We call upon our elected
representatives to protect our Constitution from abusive exercise of government power
by enacting a VOTERS BILL OF RIGHTS.
We pledge our full and constant support for enactment of a VOTERS BILL OF
RIGHTS.
It is likely that 50% of the U.S. population is strongly dissatisfied with
the ascendancy of George W. Bush to the office of President. There are
three likely reasons:
In the interest of democracy, one could discredit election gripes (point
number one) as being unfair to our longstanding electoral college process..
Also, one might disregard Bush’s agenda (point number two) because the
hallmark of the United States Constitution is tolerance for divergent
political and moral beliefs.
However, point number three leads to a more egregious problem, namely that a
rather anonymous man, with no distinguishing ambition or vision has, by
virtue of family wealth and connection, been installed as President of the
United States. Even the most cursory glance at George W. Bush’s history and
character builds a strong case for charges of nepotism and cronyism. Such a
glaring display of favoritism, to benefit an individual with no considerable
talent, runs counter to the spirit of competition and fair play that has
driven the engine of American capitalism for more than two hundred years.
There is a way to tangibly and immediately raise a voice in protest of
George W. Bush as President. For the remainder of his term, conscientious
Americans should simply write "George W. Bush is an Idiot" on all U.S.
currency that passes through their hands.
This protest has already begun. The first bills were marked and spent in
San Francisco as of January 26, 2001. What is important, though, is to not
only begin marking all currency (and to continue the effort throughout the
Bush presidency), but to forward this memo as much as possible so as to
replicate the message throughout our money supply.
In an effort to mark money more industriously, many of us have ordered a
BUSH IS A FRAUD rubber stamp; these self-inking rubber stamps are useful for
marking the "Fraud" message in red ink.
Make your voice heard, Top twenty Republican donors with global consumer brands:
1 Philip Morris - $4,554,732 |